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Post-American Order: Global Shifts Ahead in Politics: Lawrence Wong

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Singapore’s Prime Minister Lawrence Wong has issued a warning that resonates far beyond the city-state’s borders. In recent interviews with the Financial Times and Business Times, Wong spoke of turbulence ahead in what he described as a “post-American” order. His words are not simply a reflection of Singapore’s anxieties but a broader signal of the shifting tectonic plates in global geopolitics. For decades, the United States has been the anchor of the international system, underwriting global trade, providing security guarantees, and shaping the rules of engagement for nations large and small. But as Wong pointed out, no single country can fill the vacuum left by a retreating America. Instead, the world is moving toward a multipolar order, one that promises both opportunity and instability.

The notion of a “post-American” order does not mean the United States is disappearing from the global stage. Rather, it suggests that America is no longer the sole stabilizer, the indispensable power that can guarantee predictability in trade, finance, and security. The rise of China, the assertiveness of middle powers, and the fragmentation of global institutions all point to a messy transition. Wong’s warning is rooted in realism: Singapore, a small but globally connected hub, has thrived by balancing between great powers. Its prosperity depends on open markets, predictable rules, and a stable environment for trade and investment. In a world where alliances are fluid and influence is distributed, the risks for small states multiply.

The turbulence Wong describes is already visible. The International Monetary Fund has downgraded global growth forecasts, citing geopolitical fragmentation and supply chain disruptions. The World Bank has warned of rising risks to trade flows from regional conflicts and protectionist policies. The US-China rivalry, which increasingly defines the global landscape, is not limited to military competition. It extends to technology, finance, and influence over global norms. For countries like Singapore, caught in the middle of this rivalry, the challenge is to hedge bets, diversify trade, and build resilience. Wong’s call to “build new trade connections and keep up the momentum of trade liberalisation” is both a pragmatic strategy and a plea for cooperation in an era of fragmentation.

What makes Wong’s remarks particularly significant is their timing. Singapore has just undergone a leadership transition, with Wong succeeding Lee Hsien Loong as Prime Minister. His words therefore carry the weight of a new leader setting the tone for his tenure. By warning of turbulence, Wong is signaling that Singapore will not shy away from confronting uncomfortable realities. He is also positioning the country as a voice of pragmatism in a world increasingly defined by polarization. Singapore has long played the role of a bridge between East and West, hosting global businesses, mediating between competing powers, and advocating for open trade. Wong’s comments suggest that this role will continue, but under more difficult circumstances.

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The idea of a multipolar world is not new. Analysts have spoken for years about the decline of American unipolarity and the rise of China. But what Wong captures is the sense of uncertainty that comes with transition. Multipolarity does not automatically mean stability. It can mean competing spheres of influence, fragmented institutions, and unpredictable alliances. For businesses, this translates into volatile markets, shifting supply chains, and regulatory uncertainty. For governments, it means recalibrating foreign policy, balancing relationships, and preparing for shocks. For ordinary citizens, it means living in a world where global turbulence can quickly translate into local consequences, from inflation to job insecurity.

Singapore’s warning should therefore be read not just as a national concern but as a global one. The country has always been a bellwether for broader trends. Its economy is deeply integrated into global trade, its financial sector is exposed to international flows, and its security depends on a stable regional environment. When Singapore’s leaders speak of turbulence, they are reflecting the vulnerabilities of small states but also articulating the anxieties of a global system in flux. Wong’s remarks are a reminder that the post-American order is not a distant prospect but a present reality.

The question, then, is how the world should respond. Wong’s emphasis on building new trade connections is a practical starting point. In an era of fragmentation, diversification is essential. Countries must avoid overdependence on any single market or power. Regional trade agreements, cross-border partnerships, and multilateral initiatives can provide buffers against turbulence. At the same time, nations must invest in resilience, whether through supply chain security, technological innovation, or financial safeguards. For Singapore, this means continuing to position itself as a hub for global business, while also preparing for shocks that may disrupt its traditional advantages.

There is also a broader lesson in Wong’s remarks. The post-American order requires a shift in mindset. For decades, the world has relied on the United States to provide stability. That reliance is no longer sufficient. Nations must take greater responsibility for their own security, prosperity, and resilience. This does not mean abandoning cooperation with America, but it does mean recognizing that the future will be shaped by multiple powers, each with its own interests and strategies. The challenge is to navigate this complexity without succumbing to fragmentation. Wong’s warning is therefore both a caution and a call to action.

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From an editorial perspective, it is worth noting that Singapore’s voice carries credibility precisely because of its position. As a small state, it has no illusions of dominating the global stage. Its warnings are not driven by ambition but by necessity. This makes them particularly valuable. When a country like Singapore speaks of turbulence, it is reflecting the lived reality of nations that depend on stability but cannot control it. In this sense, Wong’s remarks are a reminder that the post-American order is not just about great power competition. It is about the vulnerabilities of smaller states, the risks to global trade, and the need for cooperation in an era of uncertainty.

The turbulence ahead will not be easy to navigate. But it is not without hope. Multipolarity can also mean greater diversity, more voices at the table, and new opportunities for cooperation. The challenge is to harness these opportunities while managing the risks. Singapore’s warning is therefore not a message of despair but of realism. It is a call to prepare for a world that is more complex, more fragmented, and more unpredictable. For policymakers, businesses, and citizens alike, the lesson is clear: resilience, diversification, and cooperation are the keys to navigating the post-American order.

In the end, Wong’s remarks should be seen as part of a broader conversation about the future of global governance. The post-American order is not a single event but a process, one that will unfold over years and decades. It will be shaped by the rise of China, the strategies of middle powers, the resilience of institutions, and the choices of citizens. Singapore’s warning is a reminder that this process will be messy, turbulent, and uncertain. But it is also a reminder that nations have agency. By preparing, cooperating, and adapting, they can navigate the turbulence and shape a future that is not defined by fragmentation but by resilience.


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Analysis

Asia Pacific Emerges as Global Travel Growth Engine — China Outbound to Surpass 225 Million Trips

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Asia Pacific travellers have a 50% higher intention to increase travel spending than those in Europe and the US, cementing the region’s position as the world’s growth engine for travel. According to one study, 88% of global travellers plan to increase or maintain their travel budgets in 2026.

China’s outbound market is the powerhouse. China’s outbound travel in 2026 is projected to exceed 225 million trips, surpassing pre-pandemic levels and marking a transition from recovery to a structurally different phase of growth. Chinese travellers report the highest expected mean spend at **$7,748 per international leisure trip**, followed by Australian travellers at $7,124 and Indian travellers at $5,154. International visitor spending in China rose by 10.5% to $135 billion, exceeding pre-pandemic levels and outperforming the global average growth of 3.2%.

The World Travel and Tourism Council expects China’s travel and tourism sector to grow 7% annually over the next decade, contributing $3.8 trillion to GDP by 2035. China is on track to surpass the US as the world’s leading travel and tourism economy.

Corporate travel is also booming. Business travel expenditure across Asia Pacific is forecast to reach $70.09 billion in 2026, marking a year-on-year increase of 10.9%. The region is expected to contribute more than 40% of total global outbound business travel spending, underlining APAC’s central role in international commerce and aviation growth. China alone is projected to account for $40.8 billion of this spending — 58% of the regional total.

What’s driving this surge? Expanding visa-free access, a stronger yuan, and pent-up demand from Chinese consumers eager to explore the world. MMGY’s survey of 4,000 travellers shows that Chinese and Indian travellers are planning 3.2-3.5 trips annually versus 1.9-2.3 for Australia, Japan, and South Korea. The destinations winning Chinese travellers are those offering premium experiences, seamless digital payments, culturally resonant offerings, and visa facilitation.

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The spending differential is significant. Chinese travellers not only travel more frequently but spend substantially more per trip than travellers from other major Asia Pacific markets. This makes them the most coveted segment for destinations worldwide, driving intense competition among tourism boards to attract and retain Chinese visitors through targeted marketing, direct flights, and culturally tailored experiences.


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AI

The AI Debt Bubble: How Data Centers Are Reshaping Credit Markets

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The dominant narrative around artificial intelligence investment has always centred on equity valuations — Nvidia’s market capitalisation, hyperscaler earnings multiples, the concentration of the S&P 500 in a handful of AI-exposed names. That narrative is now incomplete. The more consequential shift underway in 2026 is happening in credit markets, and regulators are starting to say so explicitly.

An Unprecedented Pace of Capital Deployment

The Bank of England’s July 2026 Financial Stability Report puts it plainly: the pace of AI-related investment is unprecedented historically, with AI companies increasingly turning to the financial system — and specifically to debt financing — to fund infrastructure buildouts. This marks a meaningful departure from the equity-heavy funding model that characterised the first wave of the AI boom, when cash-rich technology giants largely self-funded expansion from balance-sheet reserves.

Why Debt, and Why Now

The shift toward debt financing reflects simple scale economics: data-center construction costs have grown large enough that even the best-capitalised technology companies are choosing to preserve equity and cash flexibility by tapping bond and private credit markets instead. This dynamic accelerated sharply through the first half of 2026, coinciding with the same window in which China’s export data showed chips, computer parts and power equipment accounting for roughly half of the country’s export growth — evidence that the AI infrastructure buildout is now a genuinely global capital-expenditure cycle, not a US-only phenomenon.

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The Leverage Concentration Problem

The Bank’s Financial Policy Committee has flagged a specific structural fragility: equity gains in AI-related names have been driven in significant part by a narrow, concentrated set of companies, with a substantial increase in the use of leverage tied to these positions. That combination — narrow concentration plus rising leverage — is precisely the mechanism that has historically turned isolated valuation corrections into broader, self-reinforcing liquidity events.

Separately, the Bank’s broader assessment of credit markets warns that vulnerabilities in risky asset valuations, sovereign debt markets and risky credit segments — including private credit specifically — remain, with some having become more pronounced since its previous report, as globally higher interest rates and energy-driven cost increases add pressure on corporate borrowers across the board, AI-related or otherwise.

The Sovereign Debt Connection

Perhaps the most significant — and least discussed — finding from the Bank’s analysis concerns how an AI-related equity correction could interact with sovereign bond markets. In its modelled scenario, debt-to-GDP ratios rise following a hypothetical AI valuation correction, but the Bank notes that both the US Treasury market and UK gilt market continued to function well under the scenario tested — with an explicit warning that had those markets come under pressure instead, the consequences could have been considerably more severe.

That finding sits uncomfortably alongside the Federal Reserve’s own hawkish pivot under Chair Kevin Warsh, detailed elsewhere in this series. A Fed moving toward rate hikes rather than cuts directly raises the cost of the debt financing now underpinning much of the AI infrastructure buildout — a tightening that could pressure highly leveraged data-center financing structures at precisely the moment the sector’s borrowing needs are accelerating.

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What Regulators Are Doing About It

Rather than attempting to directly restrain AI-related credit growth — not typically a central bank mandate — the Bank of England is focused on strengthening the plumbing that would need to absorb a shock if one occurs. It points specifically to reforms already announced for money market funds across the UK and Europe, alongside exploratory changes to bolster resilience in the gilt repo market, as the primary tools available to prevent an AI-financing-driven credit event from cascading into broader market dysfunction.

The Investor Takeaway

For fixed-income investors and credit allocators, the practical shift is this: AI exposure can no longer be assessed purely through equity valuation multiples. The debt structures financing data-center buildouts — their leverage ratios, their sensitivity to a hawkish Fed, and their concentration among a narrow set of borrowers — now represent a distinct and growing risk factor in global credit markets, one that central banks on both sides of the Atlantic are actively modelling, even as they stop short of calling it a bubble outright.


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Is AI infrastructure being funded by debt or equity in 2026? AI companies are increasingly relying on debt financing rather than equity to fund data-center buildouts, a shift the Bank of England describes as historically unprecedented in pace, raising new financial stability questions around leverage concentration and credit market resilience.


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AI

AI Chip War 2026: How Singapore & Malaysia Got Caught Between US and China

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New guidance from the US Department of Commerce issued in late May 2026 has tightened licensing requirements for Nvidia’s most advanced processors, including its Blackwell series, closing a loophole that let Chinese firms acquire restricted chips through overseas subsidiaries — and putting Singapore and Malaysia squarely in Washington’s crosshairs as the two Southeast Asian hubs most exposed to diversion risk (NaturalNews).

A Trillion-Dollar Market, and a Widening Grey Zone

Under the current three-tier US export framework, Singapore and Malaysia sit in “Tier 2” alongside roughly 120 other countries, including India and the UAE, meaning firms there must obtain individual licences or validated end-user authorisation before accessing the most advanced AI chips (Asia Times). That has not stopped both markets from becoming critical waypoints in the global AI supply chain: Singapore alone accounted for roughly one-fifth of Nvidia’s $215.9 billion in revenue for the fiscal year ended January 2026, making it the company’s second-largest market after the United States.

The scale of the enforcement challenge became public in May 2026, when the US Department of Justice charged three individuals connected to a technology supplier in a scheme involving roughly $2.5 billion worth of Nvidia-powered servers, allegedly routed to Chinese brokers using dummy replicas to defeat physical audits (Model Diplomat). That case echoes an August 2025 indictment involving chip shipments transiting through Malaysia and Singapore en route to Hong Kong, underscoring how the region has become a persistent pressure point for US export enforcement.

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Malaysia Moves First, Thailand Lags Behind

Regional responses have diverged sharply based on exposure and regulatory capacity. Malaysia acted earliest, introducing a mandatory Strategic Trade Permit in July 2025 covering the export, transshipment and transit of high-performance US-origin AI chips — a move widely read as Kuala Lumpur choosing to tighten oversight rather than risk its reputation as what one Eco-Business analysis calls a “weak link” in the compliance chain (Eco-Business).

Thailand has proven more exposed. In May 2026, US authorities publicly flagged a Bangkok-based firm tied to the country’s national AI initiative for allegedly helping divert billions of dollars’ worth of Nvidia-powered servers to Chinese companies including Alibaba — a case that illustrates how national AI ambitions and export-control compliance can pull governments in opposing directions.

Beijing’s Answer: Building Around the Restrictions

China’s response to tightening controls has increasingly been to accelerate domestic substitution rather than simply seek workarounds. Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang told CNBC in May that he had effectively “conceded” the Chinese data-centre market to Huawei, with the company now assuming zero data-centre chip revenue from China going forward — a remarkable admission given that the Chinese market generated an estimated $12–15 billion in H20 chip sales as recently as 2024 (Model Diplomat).

China’s own supercomputing ambitions received a symbolic boost in June 2026 when the domestically built LineShine supercomputer, developed at Shenzhen’s National Supercomputing Center, reclaimed the top spot on the global TOP500 ranking, surpassing the US-built El Capitan system. Analysts tracking China’s fifteenth five-year plan note that Beijing has explicitly directed its AI sector to develop “extraordinary measures” to defeat export controls, with domestic players Huawei, Cambricon and SMIC forecast to reach at least 50% market share within China by the end of 2026.

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Why Southeast Asia Cannot Simply Pick a Side

Chatham House’s assessment of the broader export-control strategy is unusually blunt: rapid global demand growth for AI compute makes enforcement extraordinarily difficult, and countries like Malaysia and Singapore have become de facto grey markets whether or not their governments intend that outcome (Chatham House). The US Chip Security Act, working its way through Congress, aims to close some of these gaps by requiring companies to verify that chips remain in authorised locations — but even proponents acknowledge that legislation alone cannot fully police a supply chain running through dozens of jurisdictions with varying regulatory capacity.

For Singapore and Malaysia, the dilemma is structural rather than merely diplomatic: both governments actively court data-centre investment from American and Chinese firms alike, because both flows generate genuine economic value, jobs and technology transfer. Neither wants to be forced into an exclusive alignment with Washington or Beijing on chip policy, yet the political and legal risk of appearing to enable diversion is rising sharply with each new DOJ indictment. The likeliest trajectory for the rest of 2026 is not a clean resolution but an intensifying game of regulatory whack-a-mole, with Southeast Asian governments tightening rules just fast enough to avoid becoming Washington’s next enforcement headline, without fully closing the door on Chinese capital.


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