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Regime change?

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Political turmoil that has been unleashed due to American interference could generate internal chaos.

Addressing a public rally on 27th March, Prime Minister Imran Khan charged on the basis of documentary evidence that foreign powers are trying to bring about regime change in Pakistan through supporting the opposition’s no-confidence motion against him. While the opposition has denied these charges, such a serious assertion from the head of government deserves serious scrutiny.

The document in question, a report of 7th March from the Ambassador in Washington – the contents of which were shared with journalists before it was placed before the National Security Committee – reportedly maintains that it is no longer possible for Washington to work with the incumbent Prime Minister and if the no-confidence vote fails then there would be dire consequences for Pakistan. Bur if the motion succeeds, bilateral relations would significantly improve. Intriguingly, these remarks predate the tabling of the no-confidence motion which suggests that this move has American endorsement. Even more alarming is the contention of some government spokesmen that the message contains threats which endanger the life of the Prime Minister.

Western powers have been openly critical of Pakistan’s decision not to join the US-led alliance against Russia for its invasion of Ukraine and of the Prime Minister’s visit to Moscow before the invasion, taking the diplomatically unprecedented and unacceptable step to castigate Pakistan in a joint press statement. More broadly as well, Americans have been critical of Pakistan’s foreign policy direction, specifically relations with China, Russia and Afghanistan while being incensed about the refusal to provide military bases. Therefore, it would not be surprising if regime change in Pakistan is being sought by Washington.

It is worth recalling that Prime Minister ZA Bhutto had claimed an American conspiracy to remove him from power after the 1977 elections owing to his refusal to abandon Pakistan’s nuclear weapons programme for which the US had threatened to “make an example” of him. Later General Zia died in a mysterious plane crash for which many Pakistanis blame the US, on the grounds that Zia had become a liability for Washington after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989. The ouster of General Musharraf in 2008 was accomplished more openly by the Bush administration with his own naïve collaboration, once the Americans realised that he could no longer mobilise public support for the American “War on Terror”. With the passage of time such charges of American interference are now broadly accepted in Pakistan.

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This conviction is strengthened by the more recent publicly acknowledged US policy of regime change such as in Iraq, Libya and Syria. Only a few days ago, President Biden himself called for removing Russian President Putin, though subsequently his officials retracted this statement. There are also several other prominent examples of American regime change documented in numerous books and articles. In 1953, Iranian Prime Minister Mosaddagh was removed in a coup orchestrated by the US and the UK to take control over Iranian oil. In 1961, Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba of Congo was removed and executed with the involvement of the American CIA, for his relations with the Soviet Union.

Similarly, the CIA was involved in the overthrow and death of Salvador Allende, President of Chile in 1973, owing to his socialist policies. Several failed attempts were also made by American administrations to remove Cuban President Fidel Castro including an abortive military invasion of the Island. Similarly, the Reagan administration created the “Contras” to overthrow Nicaraguan Leader, Daniel Ortega. These are among the more well-known instances of regime change by the US which include dozens of others in Latin America and South-East Asia, such as in Guatemala (1953-1990s); Costa Rica (1950-1970); Vietnam (1945-1973); Cambodia (1955-1973); Ecuador (1960-1963) among others listed meticulously by William Blum in his book Rogue State.

With such a track record, it is indeed conceivable that the US would be willing to orchestrate the removal of Imran Khan’s government and promote a more pliable set-up instead. The brief positive trend in Pakistan-US relations, following Pakistan’s facilitation of the American-Taliban dialogue, ended when the Biden administration took over. The American debacle in Afghanistan for which Pakistan has been blamed, compounded further by the refusal to provide bases, has led to vengeful indignation. Such pique has been aggravated by Pakistan’s outreach to China and Russia, especially implementation of CPEC and promotion of regional connectivity which undermines America’s containment of China in the Asia-Pacific. Moreover, India’s continuing tensions with Pakistan over Kashmir and with China in Laddakh, confronting that country with a two-front challenge, undermine India’s role as “net security provider” for the Americans. Therefore, the US wants Pakistan to “normalise” relations with India but on Indian terms which is rejected by Khan’s government. These are the geopolitical considerations that essentially underscore the American compulsion for regime change in Pakistan.

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But, even in the event of the opposition succeeding in the no-trust vote against the PM, it is unlikely that American objectives would be realised. No Pakistani government, no matter how pliable, would be able to reverse the popular consensus on key national issues such as Kashmir, the nuclear programme, relations with China and pursuit of a balanced foreign policy. Past experience amply demonstrates this. Bhutto’s ouster did not reverse the nuclear programme. Zia’s removal did not change Afghan policy nor did Musharraf’s abdication. But, due to their arrogance, the Americans are purblind to the reality that any change of leadership in Pakistan cannot deviate from the country’s strategic interests. But the political turmoil that has been unleashed due to American interference could generate internal chaos undermining Pakistan’s political and economic development. It is, therefore, essential for all political parties to recognise and overcome the dangers ahead.

Via Tribune


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Analysis

Senate Passes Tough New Russia Sanctions Bill as Kremlin’s Economy Stalls

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After months of legislative delay, the US Senate delivered a significant symbolic and substantive victory to congressional supporters of Ukraine. The chamber overwhelmingly passed a bill to intensify sanctions on Russia’s wartime economy on August 7, 2026 — a vote that arrives at a moment when independent economic assessments already show the Russian economy under mounting, measurable strain, even before the new measures take effect.

The Economic Backdrop the Bill Is Responding To

The Senate vote did not occur in a vacuum. The Kyiv School of Economics Institute’s mid-2026 assessment found Russia’s economy contracted 0.6% quarter-on-quarter and 0.2% year-on-year in the first quarter of 2026, with growth constrained by tight monetary policy, slowing domestic demand, persistent labor shortages, and limited access to foreign technology. Russia’s federal budget deficit reached 5.7 trillion rubles — approximately 2.7% of GDP — in the first half of the year alone.

The European Commission’s own assessment, published alongside the EU’s 21st sanctions package, described Russia’s economy as slowing sharply, with the Kremlin facing increasing budgetary strain after exhausting more than two-thirds of its liquid assets. Brussels forecasts Russian growth of just 1.3% in 2026 and 1.1% in 2027 — far below the wartime growth rates Russia posted in earlier years of the conflict, when defense-sector spending provided an artificial stimulus effect.

Separate analysis paints an even starker picture of the human and fiscal cost. Forbes contributor and political scientist Natasha Lindstaedt calculated that Russia is effectively spending roughly $90 million for every square mile of Ukrainian territory it has seized — territory covering roughly 10% of the land area of Texas — while internally, the country grapples with severe labor shortages driven by combat casualties and brain drain, alongside a civilian sector stagnating even as military production overheats. The same analysis notes Russia has liquidated 71% of its gold reserves to help fund the war effort.

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What the New Sanctions Bill Actually Targets

While full legislative text details continue to emerge, congressional coverage indicates the bill builds on a pattern established by prior legislative efforts — including the previously introduced SHADOW Fleet Sanctions Act framework — that specifically target the infrastructure enabling Russia’s continued oil exports despite existing sanctions: the “shadow fleet” of tankers, and the ports, insurers, and financial intermediaries that facilitate their operations. US Senator Rick Scott has separately been vocal in calling for secondary sanctions on Russian allies, a category of measure that would extend sanctions exposure to third-country entities — including in Asia and the Gulf — that continue facilitating Russian energy trade.

This is precisely the enforcement gap that KSE Institute’s assessment identifies as the core weakness in the current sanctions regime: not that sanctions have failed outright, but that enforcement has remained uneven, allowing Russia’s war financing to continue depending heavily on hydrocarbon export earnings that flow through intermediary jurisdictions.

The China and Malaysia Connection

The sanctions escalation carries direct relevance for Asian markets already navigating US scrutiny of Russian oil flows. Russian crude shipments to China rose nearly 41% year-on-year in early 2026, with Russian oil comprising over one-fifth of China’s total imported crude by volume — a flow that has continued even as Western sanctions pressure intensifies, because Chinese refiners have consistently found the discount economics on sanctioned Russian crude worth the compliance risk. Malaysia’s emergence as a major transshipment point for both Russian and Iranian crude compounds this exposure, placing Kuala Lumpur’s financial and logistics sector directly in the path of any secondary-sanctions escalation Washington pursues against facilitating jurisdictions.

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The Iran War Complication

Russia’s fiscal picture has been further complicated by an unexpected variable: the ongoing Iran war and Strait of Hormuz crisis. KSE Institute’s assessment notes that while elevated global oil prices tied to the Iran conflict initially offered Russia a revenue reprieve, Ukrainian drone strikes on Russian refining infrastructure disrupted roughly 40% of Russia’s refining capacity at their peak, with gasoline production falling roughly 25% below June 2025 levels — meaning Russia has been unable to fully capture the price windfall the broader Middle East crisis has generated for oil-exporting nations more generally.

The Bottom Line

The Senate’s passage of intensified Russia sanctions arrives at a moment when independent economic assessments already describe Russia’s wartime economy as under genuine, multi-dimensional strain — contracting GDP, a widening budget deficit, depleted gold reserves, and infrastructure damaged by Ukrainian strikes. Whether the new legislation meaningfully accelerates that strain will depend heavily on enforcement against the intermediary jurisdictions — from Malaysian ports to Chinese refiners — that have kept Russian export revenue flowing despite four years of expanding sanctions packages.


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Analysis

US Housing Market 2026: Why Everyone Is Frustrated

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The US housing market has settled into an unusual state that is leaving nearly everyone dissatisfied at once — buyers priced out, sellers reluctant to list, and renters facing tight supply — a dynamic that economists trace back to a structural shortage compounded by a generation of baby boomers who are neither selling nor downsizing at the pace prior housing cycles would predict.

A Market Where No One Is Winning

The current housing environment defies the usual buyer’s-market-versus-seller’s-market framing. According to reporting from NPR’s Business Story of the Day, the US housing market is “pretty weird right now,” with unresolved questions dominating the conversation for buyers, sellers, and renters alike: how the country ended up with a persistent housing shortage, whether housing remains a good investment at current prices, and what policy levers might unlock the substantial housing inventory currently held by baby boomers who are ageing in place rather than downsizing.

Redfin’s chief economist Daryl Fairweather has been a central voice in unpacking the dynamic, according to the same NPR coverage, pointing to a market where elevated mortgage rates have discouraged existing homeowners from selling and trading up — the so-called “lock-in effect” — even as new household formation continues to outpace new construction in many metro areas.

The Boomer Inventory Question

Central to the current impasse is a demographic puzzle: a large cohort of baby boomers occupies housing stock that would, under historical patterns, typically be turning over to younger buyers by now. Instead, many are remaining in place — whether due to strong attachment to low pre-pandemic-era mortgage rates, limited appealing downsizing options, or simply ageing in communities they have lived in for decades. The result is a persistent supply constraint that policy discussions have increasingly focused on unlocking, though consensus on the right mix of incentives — tax policy, zoning reform, or targeted senior-housing development — remains elusive.

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Why This Matters for the Broader Economy

Housing affordability sits at the intersection of several major economic storylines currently playing out in Washington. It factors directly into the inflation data the Federal Reserve is weighing at its July policy meeting under new Chair Kevin Warsh, given shelter costs’ outsized weight in core CPI calculations. It also intersects with household debt management: financial experts continue to recommend building emergency savings and prioritising credit card payments specifically to avoid the “hamster wheel of debt” that can result when unexpected housing-related costs — a broken furnace, a rent increase, a failed home sale — collide with tight monthly budgets, according to the same NPR reporting.

A Market Increasingly Segmented by Region and Income

The “weirdness” of the current market is not uniform. Some regions continue to see meaningful price appreciation and tight inventory, while others — particularly in parts of the Sun Belt that saw rapid pandemic-era construction — have seen prices soften as new supply catches up with demand. That regional divergence complicates any single national narrative about whether housing remains “a good investment,” a question that increasingly depends on which metro area, price tier, and time horizon a buyer is evaluating.

What to Watch

The Federal Reserve’s rate decisions through the remainder of 2026 will remain the single biggest lever affecting mortgage affordability, while any legislative movement on zoning reform or incentives targeting boomer-held inventory could meaningfully reshape supply dynamics over a multi-year horizon. In the meantime, the market’s current equilibrium — unsatisfying for nearly every participant — appears likely to persist without a clear near-term catalyst for change.

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Analysis

Asia Pacific Emerges as Global Travel Growth Engine — China Outbound to Surpass 225 Million Trips

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Asia Pacific travellers have a 50% higher intention to increase travel spending than those in Europe and the US, cementing the region’s position as the world’s growth engine for travel. According to one study, 88% of global travellers plan to increase or maintain their travel budgets in 2026.

China’s outbound market is the powerhouse. China’s outbound travel in 2026 is projected to exceed 225 million trips, surpassing pre-pandemic levels and marking a transition from recovery to a structurally different phase of growth. Chinese travellers report the highest expected mean spend at **$7,748 per international leisure trip**, followed by Australian travellers at $7,124 and Indian travellers at $5,154. International visitor spending in China rose by 10.5% to $135 billion, exceeding pre-pandemic levels and outperforming the global average growth of 3.2%.

The World Travel and Tourism Council expects China’s travel and tourism sector to grow 7% annually over the next decade, contributing $3.8 trillion to GDP by 2035. China is on track to surpass the US as the world’s leading travel and tourism economy.

Corporate travel is also booming. Business travel expenditure across Asia Pacific is forecast to reach $70.09 billion in 2026, marking a year-on-year increase of 10.9%. The region is expected to contribute more than 40% of total global outbound business travel spending, underlining APAC’s central role in international commerce and aviation growth. China alone is projected to account for $40.8 billion of this spending — 58% of the regional total.

What’s driving this surge? Expanding visa-free access, a stronger yuan, and pent-up demand from Chinese consumers eager to explore the world. MMGY’s survey of 4,000 travellers shows that Chinese and Indian travellers are planning 3.2-3.5 trips annually versus 1.9-2.3 for Australia, Japan, and South Korea. The destinations winning Chinese travellers are those offering premium experiences, seamless digital payments, culturally resonant offerings, and visa facilitation.

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The spending differential is significant. Chinese travellers not only travel more frequently but spend substantially more per trip than travellers from other major Asia Pacific markets. This makes them the most coveted segment for destinations worldwide, driving intense competition among tourism boards to attract and retain Chinese visitors through targeted marketing, direct flights, and culturally tailored experiences.


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