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Back to Square One

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The consequences of the agitation started by the opposition from day one could not have been different from what the legal and constitutional crisis we are having today. We have made every institution controversial. The fairness and transparency of no subsequent election after the fateful elections of 1970 have been recognised. The Armed Forces of the country, the superior judiciary, the Accountability Bureau, the law enforcing agencies, the election commission all have been mauled at the altar of our petty political controversies.

This is not the time to lament our disappointing tryst with democracy in the past. It would be in order to review the current political crisis in correct perspective. The elections of 2018 were held under interim governments in the centre and provinces, chosen by both the ruling party and opposition by the election commission headed by a consensus chairman. The law and order was maintained by the army and rangers. The election results were, as usual, challenged by the loosing political parties. They even announced to not take oath.

However, this controversy resulted in the formation of PDM for political agitation. This agitation intensified with the increasing pace of the accountability of the known political leaders finding its way in the parliament with the ruling party and the combined opposition trading barbs and using highly provocative, vituperative and derogatory sobriquets against each other. The National Assembly practically remained dysfunctional. Even issues of national importance got obscured in this political hostility and bitterness though the deadly Covid-19, the tottering economy, Modi Sarkar’s cruel raid on the autonomous state of Jammu and Kashmir, the fast-changing situation in Afghanistan, and the Gulf Region all demanded a concerted national move.

The armed forces, the superior judiciary, the accountability bureau, the law enforcing agencies and the election commission have all been mauled at the altar of our petty political controversies.

This was not the first time the politicians have landed this country into such a legal and constitutional absurdity. The second half of 1970s was marred by a more absurd political controversy culminating in the overthrow of an elected government by a dictator, the ominous slogan of accountability first and elections later, the arrest, mock trial and execution of the most popular leader of the country, the eleven years of absolute dictatorship and a renewed cycle of agitation for restoration of democracy. The years of 1990s witnessed the repeat of the earlier political controversies paving the way for another extra constitutional takeover. Can our worthy politicians tell us how long this vicious circle of political intolerance, immaturity and hostility will last?

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The Prime Minister Imran grossly erred in handling the heightening political move against him. Though the political controversy has sent his public popularity soaring to the sky as revealed by his recent mammoth public meetings, he could not muster the courage to face the No Confidence Motion with grace. In my twitters one day before the fateful session of the National Assembly, I had advised him to try to win the No Confidence Motion and then get the Assemblies dissolved for a new mandate. And that if he fails to win the NCM, he should make a graceful exit speech and go to the people. As a political martyr free from incumbency, and his surging public popularity, he will have clear majority in any fair and transparent election.

He followed a bad advice getting the National Assembly dissolved under controversial circumstances. The opposition seems unwilling to go for quick elections. Firstly, they are daunted by the sudden and unexpected surge in the popularity of Imran Khan. Secondly, they have plans to repeal certain laws relating to electronic voting machine and right to oversee Pakistanis to vote in general elections. Thirdly, they want to prune the wings of the Accountability Bureau and get relief in cases against leading opposition leaders from courts and facilitate the home coming of the senior Sharif. Fourthly, they also want to use their new-found political power to dent the popularity of their lone opponent probably by implicating him in some concocted cases.

Via DailyTimes

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Analysis

Senate Passes Tough New Russia Sanctions Bill as Kremlin’s Economy Stalls

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After months of legislative delay, the US Senate delivered a significant symbolic and substantive victory to congressional supporters of Ukraine. The chamber overwhelmingly passed a bill to intensify sanctions on Russia’s wartime economy on August 7, 2026 — a vote that arrives at a moment when independent economic assessments already show the Russian economy under mounting, measurable strain, even before the new measures take effect.

The Economic Backdrop the Bill Is Responding To

The Senate vote did not occur in a vacuum. The Kyiv School of Economics Institute’s mid-2026 assessment found Russia’s economy contracted 0.6% quarter-on-quarter and 0.2% year-on-year in the first quarter of 2026, with growth constrained by tight monetary policy, slowing domestic demand, persistent labor shortages, and limited access to foreign technology. Russia’s federal budget deficit reached 5.7 trillion rubles — approximately 2.7% of GDP — in the first half of the year alone.

The European Commission’s own assessment, published alongside the EU’s 21st sanctions package, described Russia’s economy as slowing sharply, with the Kremlin facing increasing budgetary strain after exhausting more than two-thirds of its liquid assets. Brussels forecasts Russian growth of just 1.3% in 2026 and 1.1% in 2027 — far below the wartime growth rates Russia posted in earlier years of the conflict, when defense-sector spending provided an artificial stimulus effect.

Separate analysis paints an even starker picture of the human and fiscal cost. Forbes contributor and political scientist Natasha Lindstaedt calculated that Russia is effectively spending roughly $90 million for every square mile of Ukrainian territory it has seized — territory covering roughly 10% of the land area of Texas — while internally, the country grapples with severe labor shortages driven by combat casualties and brain drain, alongside a civilian sector stagnating even as military production overheats. The same analysis notes Russia has liquidated 71% of its gold reserves to help fund the war effort.

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What the New Sanctions Bill Actually Targets

While full legislative text details continue to emerge, congressional coverage indicates the bill builds on a pattern established by prior legislative efforts — including the previously introduced SHADOW Fleet Sanctions Act framework — that specifically target the infrastructure enabling Russia’s continued oil exports despite existing sanctions: the “shadow fleet” of tankers, and the ports, insurers, and financial intermediaries that facilitate their operations. US Senator Rick Scott has separately been vocal in calling for secondary sanctions on Russian allies, a category of measure that would extend sanctions exposure to third-country entities — including in Asia and the Gulf — that continue facilitating Russian energy trade.

This is precisely the enforcement gap that KSE Institute’s assessment identifies as the core weakness in the current sanctions regime: not that sanctions have failed outright, but that enforcement has remained uneven, allowing Russia’s war financing to continue depending heavily on hydrocarbon export earnings that flow through intermediary jurisdictions.

The China and Malaysia Connection

The sanctions escalation carries direct relevance for Asian markets already navigating US scrutiny of Russian oil flows. Russian crude shipments to China rose nearly 41% year-on-year in early 2026, with Russian oil comprising over one-fifth of China’s total imported crude by volume — a flow that has continued even as Western sanctions pressure intensifies, because Chinese refiners have consistently found the discount economics on sanctioned Russian crude worth the compliance risk. Malaysia’s emergence as a major transshipment point for both Russian and Iranian crude compounds this exposure, placing Kuala Lumpur’s financial and logistics sector directly in the path of any secondary-sanctions escalation Washington pursues against facilitating jurisdictions.

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The Iran War Complication

Russia’s fiscal picture has been further complicated by an unexpected variable: the ongoing Iran war and Strait of Hormuz crisis. KSE Institute’s assessment notes that while elevated global oil prices tied to the Iran conflict initially offered Russia a revenue reprieve, Ukrainian drone strikes on Russian refining infrastructure disrupted roughly 40% of Russia’s refining capacity at their peak, with gasoline production falling roughly 25% below June 2025 levels — meaning Russia has been unable to fully capture the price windfall the broader Middle East crisis has generated for oil-exporting nations more generally.

The Bottom Line

The Senate’s passage of intensified Russia sanctions arrives at a moment when independent economic assessments already describe Russia’s wartime economy as under genuine, multi-dimensional strain — contracting GDP, a widening budget deficit, depleted gold reserves, and infrastructure damaged by Ukrainian strikes. Whether the new legislation meaningfully accelerates that strain will depend heavily on enforcement against the intermediary jurisdictions — from Malaysian ports to Chinese refiners — that have kept Russian export revenue flowing despite four years of expanding sanctions packages.


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Analysis

US Housing Market 2026: Why Everyone Is Frustrated

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The US housing market has settled into an unusual state that is leaving nearly everyone dissatisfied at once — buyers priced out, sellers reluctant to list, and renters facing tight supply — a dynamic that economists trace back to a structural shortage compounded by a generation of baby boomers who are neither selling nor downsizing at the pace prior housing cycles would predict.

A Market Where No One Is Winning

The current housing environment defies the usual buyer’s-market-versus-seller’s-market framing. According to reporting from NPR’s Business Story of the Day, the US housing market is “pretty weird right now,” with unresolved questions dominating the conversation for buyers, sellers, and renters alike: how the country ended up with a persistent housing shortage, whether housing remains a good investment at current prices, and what policy levers might unlock the substantial housing inventory currently held by baby boomers who are ageing in place rather than downsizing.

Redfin’s chief economist Daryl Fairweather has been a central voice in unpacking the dynamic, according to the same NPR coverage, pointing to a market where elevated mortgage rates have discouraged existing homeowners from selling and trading up — the so-called “lock-in effect” — even as new household formation continues to outpace new construction in many metro areas.

The Boomer Inventory Question

Central to the current impasse is a demographic puzzle: a large cohort of baby boomers occupies housing stock that would, under historical patterns, typically be turning over to younger buyers by now. Instead, many are remaining in place — whether due to strong attachment to low pre-pandemic-era mortgage rates, limited appealing downsizing options, or simply ageing in communities they have lived in for decades. The result is a persistent supply constraint that policy discussions have increasingly focused on unlocking, though consensus on the right mix of incentives — tax policy, zoning reform, or targeted senior-housing development — remains elusive.

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Why This Matters for the Broader Economy

Housing affordability sits at the intersection of several major economic storylines currently playing out in Washington. It factors directly into the inflation data the Federal Reserve is weighing at its July policy meeting under new Chair Kevin Warsh, given shelter costs’ outsized weight in core CPI calculations. It also intersects with household debt management: financial experts continue to recommend building emergency savings and prioritising credit card payments specifically to avoid the “hamster wheel of debt” that can result when unexpected housing-related costs — a broken furnace, a rent increase, a failed home sale — collide with tight monthly budgets, according to the same NPR reporting.

A Market Increasingly Segmented by Region and Income

The “weirdness” of the current market is not uniform. Some regions continue to see meaningful price appreciation and tight inventory, while others — particularly in parts of the Sun Belt that saw rapid pandemic-era construction — have seen prices soften as new supply catches up with demand. That regional divergence complicates any single national narrative about whether housing remains “a good investment,” a question that increasingly depends on which metro area, price tier, and time horizon a buyer is evaluating.

What to Watch

The Federal Reserve’s rate decisions through the remainder of 2026 will remain the single biggest lever affecting mortgage affordability, while any legislative movement on zoning reform or incentives targeting boomer-held inventory could meaningfully reshape supply dynamics over a multi-year horizon. In the meantime, the market’s current equilibrium — unsatisfying for nearly every participant — appears likely to persist without a clear near-term catalyst for change.

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Analysis

Asia Pacific Emerges as Global Travel Growth Engine — China Outbound to Surpass 225 Million Trips

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Asia Pacific travellers have a 50% higher intention to increase travel spending than those in Europe and the US, cementing the region’s position as the world’s growth engine for travel. According to one study, 88% of global travellers plan to increase or maintain their travel budgets in 2026.

China’s outbound market is the powerhouse. China’s outbound travel in 2026 is projected to exceed 225 million trips, surpassing pre-pandemic levels and marking a transition from recovery to a structurally different phase of growth. Chinese travellers report the highest expected mean spend at **$7,748 per international leisure trip**, followed by Australian travellers at $7,124 and Indian travellers at $5,154. International visitor spending in China rose by 10.5% to $135 billion, exceeding pre-pandemic levels and outperforming the global average growth of 3.2%.

The World Travel and Tourism Council expects China’s travel and tourism sector to grow 7% annually over the next decade, contributing $3.8 trillion to GDP by 2035. China is on track to surpass the US as the world’s leading travel and tourism economy.

Corporate travel is also booming. Business travel expenditure across Asia Pacific is forecast to reach $70.09 billion in 2026, marking a year-on-year increase of 10.9%. The region is expected to contribute more than 40% of total global outbound business travel spending, underlining APAC’s central role in international commerce and aviation growth. China alone is projected to account for $40.8 billion of this spending — 58% of the regional total.

What’s driving this surge? Expanding visa-free access, a stronger yuan, and pent-up demand from Chinese consumers eager to explore the world. MMGY’s survey of 4,000 travellers shows that Chinese and Indian travellers are planning 3.2-3.5 trips annually versus 1.9-2.3 for Australia, Japan, and South Korea. The destinations winning Chinese travellers are those offering premium experiences, seamless digital payments, culturally resonant offerings, and visa facilitation.

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The spending differential is significant. Chinese travellers not only travel more frequently but spend substantially more per trip than travellers from other major Asia Pacific markets. This makes them the most coveted segment for destinations worldwide, driving intense competition among tourism boards to attract and retain Chinese visitors through targeted marketing, direct flights, and culturally tailored experiences.


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