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Millions of Burmese Struggle to Find Safety in Thailand

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Over 4 million Myanmar refugees in Thailand face police extortion, aid cuts, and legal limbo in 2026. A landmark work permit policy offers hope — but millions of undocumented Burmese migrants remain dangerously exposed. A premium investigation.

The Street Becomes a Trap

Every morning, Naw Paw — a 34-year-old Karen woman who fled the Irrawaddy Delta shortly after Myanmar’s military coup in February 2021 — maps her walk to the garment workshop in Mae Sot with a single overriding thought: which roads have police checkpoints today. She knows most of the officers by the shifts they work. She knows which ones accept 200 baht, which ones demand 500. She has paid bribes she cannot afford more times than she can count.

“I never feel safe,” she told a rights researcher earlier this year. “Even when nothing is happening, I am afraid. I am always afraid.”

Naw Paw is one of an estimated 4 million Myanmar nationals now living in Thailand — the largest single-nationality migrant population in any Southeast Asian country. She is also among the roughly 1.7 million of them who are undocumented, meaning she exists in a legal void: unable to regularize her status, barred from formal work, excluded from the Thai government’s own refugee protection mechanisms, and left almost entirely vulnerable to the whims of local police. In border towns like Mae Sot, the informal extortion of undocumented Myanmar nationals has become so normalized that locals use a darkly revealing phrase to describe them: walking ATMs.

Four years after the generals in Naypyidaw seized power and set their country ablaze, the humanitarian fallout has reached a scale that Thailand — and the international community — can no longer manage by looking away.

Four Million People, and Counting

The numbers alone are staggering. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that more than 4 million Myanmar nationals currently reside in Thailand. Of those, nearly half — approximately 1.7 million — are undocumented, according to the Human Rights Watch July 2025 report, which documents their daily exposure to harassment, arrest, and forced deportation.

A further 90,000 mostly Karen and Karenni refugees live in nine government-administered camps strung along the Thai-Myanmar border — settlements that have existed since the 1980s and whose residents, in some cases, have now spent their entire lives inside the wire. The UNHCR registers more than 80,000 of these camp residents, along with roughly 5,000 urban asylum-seekers from more than 40 countries.

The scale of this population represents, in microcosm, everything that has gone wrong in Myanmar since February 2021: a military junta that has carried out crimes against humanity, a collapsing economy, fractured healthcare and education systems, and a countryside scorched by conflict. People are not crossing the Moei River into Thailand because they want to; they are crossing because staying has become unbearable.

What awaits them on the other side, however, is a protection system riddled with gaps — and, for far too many, a second layer of suffering.

“Walking ATMs”: The Extortion Economy

Thailand is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention. It has no domestic refugee law applicable to all nationalities. Its 2023 National Screening Mechanism — hailed by Bangkok as a reform — was designed with an exemption so large it swallows the mechanism whole: it explicitly excludes migrant workers from Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos. Since the overwhelming majority of Myanmar nationals enter Thailand through migrant worker channels, they fall entirely outside the system’s protection.

The result is a population kept in permanent legal precarity — and Thai police have learned to profit from it.

HRW’s 48-page report, based on in-person interviews with 30 Myanmar nationals in Thailand in February 2025, documents a pattern of police stops, interrogations, and demands for bribes carried out with the implicit threat of arrest and detention. The phrase “walking ATMs” — used by residents of Mae Sot — captures not just the individual transactions but the systemic architecture: vulnerability is the product, and those who hold legal power over undocumented migrants are its sellers.

Many Myanmar nationals rely on brokers to navigate the “pink card” system — officially the Non-Thai Identification Card — which facilitates legal residence and employment. But the brokers charge exorbitant fees, the cards are often linked to fictitious employers, and a regularization window opened by the Thai Cabinet in September 2024 (extended in February 2025) has left most applicants in a renewal limbo that offers documentation but not genuine security.

“After fleeing conflict, persecution, and deprivation, Myanmar nationals need protection in Thailand,” said Nadia Hardman, refugee and migrant rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Instead, Thailand denies them secure legal status, and its authorities use that vulnerability to exploit and extort them.”

Urban undocumented Burmese migrants self-restrict their movement so severely that many avoid seeking medical care for serious conditions, pulling their children out of school at the first sign of increased police activity. The fear of deportation — back to a country under military rule, back to forced conscription, back to airstrikes and burning villages — operates as a form of continuous psychological violence.

The Camps: Aid Collapse and a Generation in Limbo

If conditions for undocumented Myanmar migrants outside the camps are defined by fear and exploitation, conditions inside the nine border camps have been defined, since 2025, by hunger.

The Trump administration’s dismantling of USAID in early 2025 triggered a cascade of funding failures that landed hardest on the most isolated. The Border Consortium (TBC), which had provided food assistance to camp residents for decades, terminated standard food aid for over 80 percent of families on July 31, 2025, after US funding was cut. Primary healthcare services from the International Rescue Committee followed. As HRW reported in August 2025, the monthly food allowance for adults had already been cut to just 77 baht — roughly US$2.30 — before the complete termination of food aid.

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“In the past, we had enough rations,” one 34-year-old camp resident told HRW. “But the funding’s been cut bit by bit. The cash decreased and prices went up. I get 77 baht a month, but you can’t buy anything with that.”

Between 2022 and 2024, chronic malnutrition among children under five in the camps had already increased for the first time in at least a decade. The aid collapse accelerated what was already a slow-moving emergency.

For the youngest residents — who make up nearly 30 percent of the camp population — the education system has been crumbling in parallel. In January 2026, Save the Children warned that access to education in the border camps had reached “breaking point,” with student numbers rising 33 percent — from roughly 18,000 in 2020 to 24,000 in 2025 — even as funding collapsed. Classrooms of up to 60 students share frayed textbooks. Teachers face legal constraints that prevent them from holding Thai teaching licenses. Many learning centres operate on rented land, with no security of tenure.

The human cost is concentrated in a generation that has known nothing but the camps. One 25-year-old named Jornay, born in Mae La and interviewed by Save the Children, put it with quiet devastation: “I was educated in the camps, but our education was not recognized, so after we graduate, we don’t have jobs.”

Mae La, the oldest and largest of the nine camps — a dense settlement of wooden houses on the hills near Mae Sot, carved through with narrow muddy roads — has residents who have been there since the 1980s. Hope of resettlement abroad, always fragile, largely evaporated after the Trump administration halted a new resettlement program in early 2025, forcing two dozen refugees back to Umpiem Mai camp when their flight was cancelled in February.

“Having the card means we can’t go anywhere, we can’t apply for jobs, we can’t study,” a teacher who had spent 17 years in the camps told HRW. “We have no future, no opportunities. Our lives are in limbo.”

A Landmark Step — and Its Limits

In this landscape of compounding crises, August 26, 2025 marked a genuine departure. Thailand’s Cabinet approved a landmark policy allowing Myanmar refugees living in the nine border camps to work legally outside for the first time in decades. It is a significant concession — driven, in part, by economic necessity.

The timing was not coincidental. An escalating border dispute with Cambodia in 2025 prompted the return of over 780,000 Cambodian migrant workers to their home country. Since Cambodians had represented approximately 12 percent of the Thai workforce, entire industries — agriculture, manufacturing, construction, food processing — found themselves facing acute labor shortages. With an aging Thai population and a structural deficit of low-wage workers, the refugee camps along the Myanmar border began to look less like a humanitarian problem and more like an untapped labor reservoir.

As HRW noted, the new permits will be available to approximately 80,000 camp refugees registered with the Thai government, of whom an estimated 42,000 are of working age. Refugees must apply for permission to leave the camps and for work permits valid up to one year, tied to employer sponsorship. It is a pilot program — cautious, conditional, and heavily mediated by bureaucratic process.

“As young people, we want to make a living, we want to use our knowledge and skills,” one refugee told HRW. “If there’s any chance for us to leave the camp to work, to get a job and provide for our families, I would take it.”

UNHCR welcomed the Cabinet resolution as a meaningful step toward refugee self-reliance. For rights advocates, the challenge now is ensuring the application process remains free, transparent, and insulated from the broker networks and extortion dynamics that plague the broader migrant worker system. Every previous Thai regularization scheme has created new opportunities for intermediaries to extract fees from desperate people.

But even if the permit scheme functions flawlessly, its scope exposes the deeper problem: it covers roughly 80,000 people. The other 3.9-plus million Myanmar nationals in Thailand — the vast majority, living in urban areas, border towns, and informal settlements — remain entirely outside it.

The Urban Millions: Left Exposed

For undocumented Myanmar nationals in Bangkok, Chiang Mai, Samut Sakhon, and cities across Thailand, the August 2025 Cabinet resolution changed very little. They remain in legal limbo: too numerous to ignore, too undocumented to protect, and too economically essential to deport en masse — yet subjected to systematic harassment that extracts money while reinforcing their powerlessness.

Thailand’s structural reliance on Myanmar labor creates an inherent contradiction at the heart of its policy: the government needs these workers, but it has built no legitimate pathway for most of them to exist legally. The broker economy — which charges Myanmar nationals thousands of baht for pink cards linked to employers who may not exist — fills the gap, funneling money upward while leaving workers more exposed than before.

Human rights organizations, including UNHCR, have called for a temporary protection regime for all Myanmar nationals in Thailand — a status that would halt deportations, allow movement, and extend basic legal protections without requiring Thailand to adopt full refugee status determination procedures. Bangkok has not moved in that direction.

There is also a more sinister dimension: credible reports of junta informants operating within Myanmar migrant communities in Thailand, monitoring diaspora political organizing and reporting back to Naypyidaw. For those who fled specifically because of their political activity or ethnic identity, even the relative safety of Bangkok can feel provisional.

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What Thailand Must Do — And Why It Should

The economic case for extending legal protection to Myanmar nationals in Thailand is not merely humane — it is hard-headed. Thailand faces a demographic crunch. Its workforce is aging rapidly. Industries that drive export revenue — including agriculture, seafood processing, and construction — are structurally dependent on low-wage migrant labor. A rights-respecting integration framework would not just alleviate suffering; it would stabilize a labor supply that the Thai economy cannot function without.

Rights groups and the UN have converged on a set of concrete demands:

  • Introduce a temporary protection regime for all Myanmar nationals, halting deportations and extending legal status regardless of how people entered Thailand
  • Expand the work permit program beyond camp residents to undocumented Myanmar nationals in urban areas
  • Ratify the 1951 Refugee Convention, or at minimum adopt domestic legislation creating genuine asylum procedures applicable to all nationalities
  • End police extortion through accountability mechanisms, independent monitoring, and criminal consequences for officers who exploit migrants
  • Restore humanitarian funding for border camp services — food, healthcare, and education — through diversified donor commitments that reduce dependence on any single government
  • Integrate camp schools into the Thai national education system so that children’s qualifications are recognized and pathways to the workforce open

The ASEAN dimension matters here too. Thailand is not alone in hosting Myanmar refugees — Malaysia, Indonesia, and India all carry portions of the load, and all face similar tensions between economic pragmatism and rights commitments. A regional framework for temporary protection, brokered through ASEAN mechanisms, would distribute pressure more equitably and reduce the incentive for any single host country to maintain exploitative conditions as a deterrent.

The international community, meanwhile, must recognize that the aid funding collapse of 2025 did not just harm individual refugees — it destabilized one of Southeast Asia’s most fragile border regions, creating conditions for trafficking, organized crime, and further political radicalization. Penny-pinching on humanitarian budgets in periods of great-power political realignment costs far more in the long run than the contributions foregone.

Conclusion: The Arithmetic of Exposure

The arithmetic of this crisis is brutal in its clarity. Thailand hosts more than 4 million people from Myanmar. Ninety thousand live in official camps that have just — tentatively, conditionally — been given the right to work. The other 3.9 million live in a system that is designed neither to protect them nor to acknowledge their presence with any dignity.

For Naw Paw, planning her route to work in Mae Sot around police checkpoints, the August 2025 Cabinet resolution is abstract comfort. She is not in a camp. She is not registered. She does not have a pink card linked to a real employer. She has what millions of Burmese refugees in Thailand have: a daily calculation of risks, a practiced ability to disappear, and the knowledge that if something goes wrong, the system will not save her.

Four years on from the coup, Thailand stands at a choice. It can continue managing Myanmar’s displaced millions through a combination of selective legalization, systematic exploitation, and willful blindness. Or it can build something that actually works — for refugees, for Thai industry, and for the region’s long-term stability. The landmark August 2025 work permit policy is a proof of concept. The question is whether Bangkok has the political will to scale it.

The answer matters to millions of people who are still running out of road.

Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ)

Q: How many Myanmar refugees are currently in Thailand as of 2026? According to IOM estimates, more than 4 million Myanmar nationals currently live in Thailand. Of these, approximately 90,000 reside in nine official border camps, while the vast majority — including an estimated 1.7 million who are undocumented — live and work across Thailand in legal limbo.

Q: Are Myanmar refugees in Thailand allowed to work legally? As of August 2025, Thailand’s Cabinet approved work permits for approximately 80,000 registered camp refugees — the first such authorization in decades. However, the estimated 3.9 million Myanmar nationals living outside official camps, including nearly 1.7 million undocumented individuals, remain excluded from legal employment pathways and are vulnerable to exploitation.

Q: Why are undocumented Myanmar migrants in Thailand called “walking ATMs”? The phrase, used by residents of Mae Sot on the Thai-Myanmar border, refers to the practice of Thai police extorting money from undocumented Myanmar nationals — stopping, interrogating, and demanding bribes under the threat of arrest and deportation. Human Rights Watch documented this systemic extortion pattern in its July 2025 report, “I’ll Never Feel Secure.”

Q: What has the US aid funding cut meant for Myanmar refugee camps in Thailand? The Trump administration’s dismantling of foreign assistance in 2025 led directly to the termination of standard food aid for over 80 percent of camp families by July 31, 2025, as well as the collapse of primary healthcare services. Monthly food allowances had already been slashed to approximately US$2.30 per adult before full termination. Save the Children separately reported in January 2026 that education in the camps had reached “breaking point” due to underfunding amid rising student numbers.


Sources

  1. Human Rights Watch — “I’ll Never Feel Secure”: Undocumented and Exploited Myanmar Nationals in Thailand (July 2025): https://www.hrw.org/report/2025/07/14/ill-never-feel-secure/undocumented-and-exploited-myanmar-nationals-in-thailand
  2. Human Rights Watch — Thailand Allows Myanmar Refugees in Camps to Work Legally (August 2025): https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/08/27/thailand-allows-myanmar-refugees-in-camps-to-work-legally
  3. Human Rights Watch — Thailand: Aid Cuts Put Myanmar Refugees at Grave Risk (August 2025): https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/08/11/thailand-aid-cuts-put-myanmar-refugees-at-grave-risk
  4. Save the Children — Education in Refugee Camps on Thailand-Myanmar Border Reaches ‘Breaking Point’ (January 2026): https://www.savethechildren.net/news/education-refugee-camps-thailand-myanmar-border-reaches-breaking-point-report
  5. UNHCR — Thailand Country Page: https://www.unhcr.org/us/where-we-work/countries/thailand
  6. Center for Global Development — A Breakthrough for Refugees’ Work Rights in Thailand and Malaysia?: https://www.cgdev.org/blog/breakthrough-refugees-work-rights-thailand-and-malaysia
  7. Reuters — Leaving Border Camps for Orchards: Myanmar Refugees Join Thai Workforce (November 2025): https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/leaving-border-camps-orchards-myanmar-refugees-join-thai-workforce-2025-11-19/
  8. The Guardian — Thailand to Let Myanmar Refugees Work Amid Aid Cuts and Labour Shortages (October 2025): https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/oct/22/thailand-to-let-myanmar-refugees-work-aid-cuts-labour-shortages

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Analysis

American Corporate Profits Keep Shrugging Off Global Tumult — Earnings Expectations Are Through the Roof

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In markets, narratives can matter as much as hard data. Investors make decisions based on the stories they tell one another. Over the past seven weeks the tales being swapped have been of war in Iran, its effect on global energy markets and presidential social-media activity. The S&P 500, America’s benchmark index of stocks, has moved up and down with Donald Trump’s estimates of the odds of an end to the conflict. It surged to an all-time high on April 17th as America and Iran agreed to let traffic resume in the Strait of Hormuz. It dipped on April 20th after the deal collapsed.

And yet, beneath all of that noise, US corporate earnings in 2026 are doing something remarkable. They are growing — fast, broadly, and with a consistency that embarrasses the pessimists.

The Numbers That Cut Through the Geopolitical Din

The earnings picture heading into this season was already extraordinary before a single company reported. According to FactSet’s April 17 Earnings Insight, the consensus estimate for Q1 2026 S&P 500 earnings growth stood at 13.2% year-on-year at the start of the quarter — the highest entry-level estimate for any earnings season since Q2 2022. That is not a soft bar. That is a high-jump pole set at altitude.

What happened next was better still. With 10% of S&P 500 companies reporting actual results as of April 17th, 88% beat EPS estimates — well above the five-year average of 78% and the ten-year average of 76%. The magnitude of those beats was equally striking: companies are reporting earnings 10.8% above estimates, against a five-year average surprise rate of just 7.3%.

This is the sixth consecutive quarter of double-digit year-on-year earnings growth for the index. Six consecutive quarters. The S&P 500 hit a record intraday high of 7,126.06 on April 17th. That is not a coincidence.

A War, a Waterway, and the Market’s Cold Arithmetic

The Strait of Hormuz has been effectively closed since early March, cutting off roughly 20% of global oil supply — what the International Energy Agency has called the largest energy supply disruption in the history of global markets. More than 500 million barrels of crude and condensate have been removed from the market, according to Kpler data. U.S. crude oil closed at $89.61 per barrel on April 20th after jumping 6.8% when the ceasefire unraveled. Brent settled at $95.48, up 5.6% on the day.

Iran declared the strait open on a Friday. Oil prices tumbled more than 10%. The S&P 500 surged. By the following Monday, Trump accused Iran of firing on a French ship, seized an Iranian vessel, and the deal was functionally dead. Stocks barely flinched, falling just 0.2%.

That asymmetric response is the most important data point of this earnings season — and nobody is talking about it enough. When peace breaks out, markets rally hard. When war resumes, markets shrug. That is not resilience born of confidence. It is resilience born of a very specific market bet: that American corporate profits have been insulated from the mayhem.

So far, that bet is paying off. But the reasons why demand closer inspection.

The Magnificent Few and the Hidden Concentration Risk

Goldman Sachs raised its year-end S&P 500 target to 7,600 in early April, citing 12% earnings growth and a broad recovery — but its own analysts immediately flagged a problem with that framing. As Goldman’s equity strategy team noted, consensus estimates for 2026 and 2027 are about 4% above January levels, but the improvement is not evenly distributed. Exxon Mobil and Micron Technology account for a disproportionate share of upward revisions, while the median S&P 500 company has seen little or no change to its 2026 earnings outlook.

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This is a market that looks healthier at the index level than it does underneath. FactSet’s breakdown makes the concentration explicit: the Magnificent 7 are projected to deliver 22.8% earnings growth in Q1 2026. The remaining 493 companies are projected to deliver 10.1%. Strip out NVIDIA alone, and the Magnificent 7 growth rate collapses to 6.4% — lower than the broader market.

That is a meaningful distinction for any portfolio manager choosing between chasing the benchmark and staying selective. The headline number flatters the underlying reality.

Q1 2026 Sector Earnings Growth: Who Is Carrying the Load

The sector-level breakdown, per FactSet and IG’s Q1 earnings preview, tells a more nuanced story than the aggregate suggests.

SectorQ1 2026 Estimated YoY EPS Growth
Information Technology+45.0%
Materials+24.2%
Financials+15.1% (blended: +19.7%)
Consumer Discretionary~+12.0%
Industrials~+10.0%
Communication ServicesFlat to slight growth
Utilities~+5.0%
Real Estate~+3.0%
Consumer Staples~+2.0%
Energy-0.1% (volatile)
Health Care-9.8% (Merck charge; ex-Merck: +2.8%)

The Financials sector has been the early season standout. JPMorgan Chase reported $5.94 EPS against a $5.47 estimate. Citigroup delivered $3.06 versus $2.65. Bank of America and Morgan Stanley both beat. The blended Financials growth rate jumped from 15.0% to 19.7% in a single week of reporting.

Energy, meanwhile, is the cautionary tale embedded in this table. The sector’s estimated earnings growth swung from +12.9% in early April to -0.1% by mid-month, driven almost entirely by downward revisions to ExxonMobil’s guidance. The average Q1 oil price of $72.67 per barrel was only 1.8% above Q1 2025’s $71.38 average — the Q1 price spike only materialized late in the quarter, too late to flow through to most upstream earnings.

The Contrarian Case: Strength Built on Sand

Here is the uncomfortable truth that the bull narrative glosses over: US corporate profits are not resilient because American companies are exceptionally strong. They are resilient because they have exceptional pricing power — and because AI capital expenditure is creating an accounting illusion of demand.

Consider the mechanics. Technology companies are reporting earnings that are overwhelmingly driven by AI infrastructure spending. The firms writing the checks — hyperscalers, cloud providers, semiconductor companies — are booking revenues that appear as organic demand growth but are substantially circular: one tech giant’s AI capex becomes another’s top line. NVIDIA’s extraordinary contribution to S&P 500 growth (it is the single largest contributor for both Q1 2026 and full-year 2026 per FactSet) reflects an investment supercycle, not end-market demand expansion.

Meanwhile, the companies not in the AI supply chain — the median S&P 500 firm, the one Goldman says has seen no earnings revision — are passing higher energy and input costs onto consumers. That is pricing power. It is real. It has kept margins intact. But it is not growth in the classical sense. It is inflation in corporate clothing.

The IMF warned this week that global growth will take a hit even if the ceasefire holds, citing persistent energy disruption as a drag on output and a source of renewed inflation. “It’s clear we’re not going back to the Goldilocks scenario,” said Brian Arcese of Foord Asset Management. Investors who mistake pricing-power resilience for genuine economic strength will discover the difference when consumers, finally stretched too thin by elevated energy costs, stop absorbing the increases.

What the Forward Guidance Will Reveal

The real test of this earnings season is not Q1 — it is what companies say about Q2, Q3, and Q4. Most of Q1’s business activity predates the Hormuz closure, which only became a severe supply disruption in March. The damage in transportation costs, energy inputs, and supply-chain friction will show up in Q2 guidance calls, not Q1 actuals.

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Analysts are currently forecasting earnings growth of 20.1%, 22.2%, and 19.9% for Q2 through Q4 2026 respectively. The full-year 2026 consensus sits at 18.0% growth. Those are staggering expectations for an economy operating under the largest energy supply disruption in modern history. A single round of conservative guidance from the major industrials — logistics companies, airlines, manufacturers — could puncture them quickly.

The market is already signaling some unease. According to FactSet’s April 17 update, companies reporting positive Q1 earnings surprises have actually seen an average price decrease of 0.2% in the two days following their reports. The market is saying: we already priced this in. Show us what comes next.

The Narrative Premium and Its Limits

There is a concept worth naming here: the “narrative premium.” It is the excess valuation that accrues to markets when the dominant story — in this case, AI-driven earnings supercycle plus geopolitical resolution — outpaces the underlying data. The forward 12-month P/E ratio for the S&P 500 stands at 20.9, above both the five-year average of 19.9 and the ten-year average of 18.9. Since March 31st, the price of the index has risen 7.6% while forward EPS estimates have risen just 1.5%. That gap is narrative premium, not fundamental re-rating.

Narrative premiums can persist for a long time. They can also collapse with remarkable speed when a single data point — an unexpected miss on forward guidance, an oil price shock that does not reverse — forces a reassessment of the story.

The S&P 500 hit an all-time record on April 17th. American profits are, genuinely, impressive. The earnings season is, genuinely, strong. But investors who are treating current valuations as justified by fundamentals — rather than supported by narrative — are carrying a risk they may not have fully priced.

The Strait of Hormuz is still closed. Thirteen million barrels a day are still locked out of global markets. And Q2 guidance calls start this week.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is driving US corporate earnings growth in 2026?

US corporate earnings growth in 2026 is being driven primarily by the Information Technology sector, which is projected to report 45% year-on-year EPS growth in Q1, largely due to AI infrastructure investment and semiconductor demand led by NVIDIA. Financial sector earnings have also significantly outperformed, with major banks including JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup, and Bank of America all beating Q1 estimates. The broader S&P 500 is on track for its sixth consecutive quarter of double-digit earnings growth, with analysts forecasting 18% full-year 2026 growth according to FactSet data.

How has the Iran war and Strait of Hormuz closure affected S&P 500 stocks?

The S&P 500 has shown surprising resilience despite the Strait of Hormuz being effectively closed since early March 2026, representing the largest energy supply disruption in modern history per the IEA. The index hit a record intraday high of 7,126.06 on April 17th when a brief ceasefire opened the waterway, then fell only 0.2% on April 20th when the deal collapsed. Energy sector earnings have been volatile — projected growth swung from +12.9% to -0.1% in two weeks — but the tech and financials sectors have more than offset the disruption at the index level.

Are S&P 500 earnings expectations too high for 2026?

Analysts are currently forecasting 18% full-year earnings growth for the S&P 500 in 2026, with Q2 through Q4 estimates ranging from 20.1% to 22.2%. These figures are historically elevated and carry substantial downside risk from Q2 forward guidance, given that most Q1 business activity predated the Hormuz supply disruption. The forward P/E ratio of 20.9 — above both the five- and ten-year averages — reflects a significant narrative premium tied to AI investment and geopolitical resolution expectations. A single round of conservative guidance from industrial or energy companies could materially revise these expectations lower.


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The great price deflator: why the AI boom could be the most disinflationary force in a generation

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Northern Trust’s $1.4 trillion asset management arm says the AI boom is “massively disinflationary.” The evidence is building — but so are the near-term headwinds. Here is what the bulls are getting right, what they are glossing over, and what every central banker should be thinking about this week.

Analysis · 2,150 words · Cites: Northern Trust, IMF WEO April 2026, BIS Working Papers, OECD

There is a sentence making the rounds in macro circles this morning that deserves more than a tweet. Northern Trust Asset Management — custodian of $1.4 trillion in client assets — told the Financial Times that the AI boom is poised to be “massively disinflationary.” Two words, twelve letters, and an argument that, if it proves correct, will reshape monetary policy for the rest of this decade. If it proves wrong, it will look like the most expensive case of group-think in asset management history.

The claim is bold, but it is not baseless. Across its 2026 Capital Market Assumptions, Northern Trust has laid the groundwork: nearly 40 percent of jobs worldwide — and 60 percent in advanced economies — are now exposed to AI, signalling what the firm calls “a major shift” in productivity and labor market dynamics. Add to that the IMF’s own January 2026 estimate that rapid AI adoption could lift global growth by as much as 0.3 percentage points this year alone, and up to 0.8 percentage points annually in the medium term, and suddenly “massively disinflationary” sounds less like a marketing line and more like a macroeconomic thesis worth taking seriously.

But serious theses deserve serious scrutiny. And when you peel back the optimism, you find a story with a considerably more complicated second act.

“AI today is still in its early innings. It is reshaping how we operate. It is reshaping how we work. Yet at the same time, we know there are going to be a number of missteps.” — Northern Trust Asset Management, February 2026

The disinflationary logic — and why it is compelling

The core argument runs as follows. AI raises the productive capacity of every worker, firm, and economy that adopts it. More output from the same inputs means falling unit costs. Falling unit costs mean downward pressure on prices. In a world still wrestling with inflation — the IMF’s April 2026 World Economic Outlook projects global headline inflation at 4.4 percent this year, elevated partly by a new Middle East conflict — that kind of structural supply-side boost could not arrive at a better moment.

The historical analogy is not perfect, but it is instructive. The internet and personal computing drove a productivity renaissance through the 1990s that helped the US run a decade of growth with unusually low inflation. The difference this time, optimists argue, is both speed and scope. Generative AI is being deployed across sectors — finance, law, medicine, logistics, software — simultaneously, rather than trickling through the economy over fifteen years. The IMF’s own research noted that investment in information-processing equipment and software grew 16.5 percent year-on-year in the third quarter of 2025 in the United States alone. That is not a technology cycle. That is a structural reorientation.

At the firm level, the mechanism is equally legible. AI-assisted coding reduces software development costs. AI-powered customer service reduces headcount requirements per unit of output. AI-accelerated drug discovery compresses R&D timelines. Each of these reduces costs for producers, and in competitive markets, cost reductions eventually become price reductions for consumers. The BIS, in its 2026 working paper on AI adoption among European firms, found measurable productivity gains at companies with higher AI adoption rates — gains that, if broad-based, translate directly into disinflationary pressure.

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InstitutionAI growth uplift (medium-term)2026 inflation forecastKey caveat
IMF (Jan 2026)+0.1–0.8 pp/year3.8%Adoption speed uncertain
IMF (Apr 2026)Upside risk4.4% (conflict-driven)Geopolitical shocks dominate near-term
Northern Trust CMA 2026Significant, decade-long~3% (US)Near-term capex inflationary
OECD AI Papers 2026Variable by AI readinessEME gaps constrain diffusion
BIS WP 1321 (2025)Positive short-run impactLabor market disruption risk

The uncomfortable counterarguments

Now for the cold water. The hyperscalers — Alphabet, Microsoft, Amazon, Meta — are expected to spend upwards of $600 billion on data center capital expenditure in 2026 alone, according to Northern Trust’s own analysis. That is $600 billion of demand competing for semiconductors, specialised labor, land, electricity infrastructure, and cooling systems. In the near term, this is not disinflationary. It is, by any honest accounting, inflationary. It bids up the price of every input that AI infrastructure requires.

Energy is the most acute example. Northern Trust’s own economists have noted that data centers are expected to account for 20 percent of the increase in global electricity usage through 2030. The IMF’s recent research put it plainly: energy bottlenecks “could delay AI diffusion, anchor a higher level of core inflation, and generate local pricing pressures” in grid-constrained regions. This is not a theoretical risk. It is a live constraint in the US, the UK, Ireland, Singapore, and across northern Europe, where grid capacity has become a hard ceiling on data center expansion.

There is also the measurement problem — and it is a serious one. As the IMF’s own Finance & Development noted in its March 2026 issue, GDP accounting simultaneously overstates AI’s immediate contribution (by counting massive capital outlays as output) while understating its broader economic impact (by missing productivity spillovers that do not show up in standard national accounts). This is precisely the statistical paradox that masked the early productivity gains of the 1990s IT revolution — and it cuts in both directions for policymakers. If AI is quietly raising potential output, the economy may be running cooler than headline data implies. If the infrastructure surge is instead stoking a new floor for energy and construction costs, central banks may be tightening into a real supply shock.

The IMF’s chief economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas put the dilemma with characteristic precision: the AI boom could lift global growth, but it also “poses risks for heightened inflation if it continues at its breakneck pace.” That is the paradox in miniature — the same technology that promises to lower prices over time is currently consuming enormous resources to build itself.

The geopolitical dimension: who wins, who lags, and who is locked out

The disinflationary thesis is not uniformly distributed across the global economy, and this is where the Northern Trust framing risks glossing over structural inequality. Advanced economies — the US, Japan, Australia, South Korea — are positioned to capture the productivity upside first. Their firms are adopting, their labor markets are adapting, and their capital markets are pricing in the gains. Northern Trust’s own forecasts identify the US, Japan, and Australia as likely leaders in equity returns over the next decade, precisely because of AI-driven productivity.

Europe sits in a more ambiguous position. The continent is not at the forefront of AI model development, and Northern Trust acknowledges it explicitly in its CMA 2026. The region offers a healthy dividend yield and attractive valuations — but if AI productivity is the driver of the next decade’s returns, Europe’s relative lag in AI infrastructure and frontier model development is a structural disadvantage, not a cyclical one. The ECB faces its own version of the monetary policy puzzle: if AI-driven disinflation arrives later and slower in Europe than in the US, it changes the rate path, the currency dynamics, and the comparative fiscal math.

Emerging markets face the starkest challenge. The IMF’s analysis of AI in developing economies is clear: AI preparedness — digital infrastructure, human capital, institutional capacity — is the binding constraint on whether productivity gains materialize or get captured entirely by technology importers. Many emerging economies are primarily consumers of AI built elsewhere. The disinflationary benefits they receive are mediated through imports; the inflationary effects of AI-driven energy demand and semiconductor scarcity are borne locally. The net result, without deliberate policy intervention, is a widening productivity gap rather than a convergence story.

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China deserves a separate paragraph. Its AI investment is substantial and accelerating, even under the constraints of US semiconductor export controls. The China-US AI race is not merely a geopolitical contest — it is a race to determine which economy gets to define and monetize the next general-purpose technology. Beijing’s capacity to deploy AI at scale across manufacturing, logistics, and services could generate its own disinflationary dynamic, although its ability to export that technology — and the disinflation it carries — is constrained by the very geopolitical tensions that are simultaneously driving energy and defence inflation.

What central banks should actually do

The honest answer is: proceed carefully, communicate transparently, and resist the temptation to read AI’s structural effect through the noise of its near-term capex cycle. The IMF’s April 2026 World Economic Outlook makes the right call when it urges central banks to guard against “prolonged supply shocks destabilising inflation expectations” while reserving the right to “look through negative supply shocks” where inflation expectations remain anchored.

That is the narrow path. If AI is genuinely raising potential output, then central banks that tighten aggressively in response to near-term energy and infrastructure inflation are making a classic policy error: fighting tomorrow’s economy with yesterday’s models. The 1990s analogy is instructive again — the Federal Reserve’s willingness to allow growth to run above conventional estimates of potential, on the grounds that productivity was accelerating, helped produce the longest peacetime expansion in American history.

But the reverse error is equally dangerous. If the AI productivity jackpot takes longer to arrive than Northern Trust and its peers anticipate — and Daron Acemoglu’s careful 2025 work in Economic Policy gives serious reason for that caution — then central banks that ease prematurely, trusting in a disinflationary future that is still several years away, risk entrenching the very inflation they spent the early 2020s battling back.

The IMF is right to treat AI as what it called in its April 2026 research note “a macro-critical transition rather than a standard technology shock.” Human decisions — by managers, workers, regulators, and investors — will shape the pace of adoption, the distribution of gains, and the political sustainability of the disruption. Those decisions are not made yet. Which means the data, for now, is genuinely ambiguous.

The verdict: right thesis, wrong timeline

Northern Trust is probably correct that AI will be massively disinflationary. The logic is sound, the historical analogies are supportive, and the scale of investment being made is simply too large to yield no productivity dividend. The question is not whether, but when — and the “when” matters enormously for portfolio construction, monetary policy, and fiscal planning.

The near-term picture, stripped of AI optimism, is one of elevated global inflation shaped by geopolitical conflict, persistent services price stickiness, and a capex boom that is consuming rather than producing cheap goods. The medium-term picture, contingent on adoption rates and diffusion across the global economy, is one where AI-driven productivity could deliver a genuine and sustained disinflationary impulse — the kind that would allow central banks to run looser for longer, equity multiples to expand sustainably, and real wages to recover.

The investor who misidentifies the timeline — and treats the medium-term story as immediate reality — will find themselves long duration in a world where rates stay higher than expected, and long AI infrastructure capex in a world where the ROI question remains, as Northern Trust itself acknowledged in February, one of “many more questions than answers.”

The honest macro position, as of April 2026, is this: Northern Trust is pointing in the right direction. But they may be holding the map upside down with respect to the calendar. For investors, policymakers, and strategists, the discipline required is not deciding whether AI will be disinflationary — it will — but calibrating, with intellectual humility, exactly how long the world will have to wait before the price deflator actually arrives.


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Analysis

OICCI Tax Recommendations 2026: Why Pakistan Must Expand its Tax Net

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In the hushed corridors of Islamabad’s Q-Block this April 2026, a familiar but increasingly dangerous fiscal paradox is playing out. Pakistan has, at great political cost, wrestled its macroeconomic indicators back from the precipice. Currency volatility has subsided, and the structural benchmarks of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are largely being met. Yet, beneath the surface of this stabilization lies a deeply punitive revenue model—one that threatens to suffocate the very engine of export-led growth it intends to fuel.

This is the stark reality underscoring the OICCI tax recommendations 2026, recently presented to Minister of State for Finance, Bilal Azhar Kayani. In a critical high-level meeting—joined virtually by the Director General of the Tax Policy Office, Dr. Najeeb Memon—the Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce and Industry (OICCI) laid bare the math of Pakistan’s uncompetitive corporate landscape.

Their message was unequivocal: expand tax net Pakistan, or watch foreign direct investment (FDI) route itself to Hanoi, Dhaka, and Mumbai. The chamber’s roadmap is not merely a corporate wishlist; it is the most pragmatic, investment-friendly blueprint Islamabad has seen in a decade.

The Anatomy of a Squeeze: The Laffer Curve’s Vengeance

To understand why OICCI urges Minister Kayani tax burden existing taxpayers must be reduced, one need only look at the sheer weight of the current fiscal extraction. Currently, the headline corporate tax rate sits at a seemingly manageable 29%. However, when layered with the regressive Super Tax (up to 10%), the Workers Welfare Fund (WWF) at 2%, and the Workers Profit Participation Fund (WPPF) at 5%, the effective corporate tax rate aggressively scales to an eye-watering 46%.

This is the Laffer Curve in full, vindictive effect. At 46%, taxation ceases to be a revenue-generating mechanism and becomes a penalty for formal documentation. Compliant multinationals and domestic conglomerates are essentially subsidizing the sprawling, untaxed informal economy.

As noted in recent analyses by The Financial Times on emerging market capital flows, capital is ruthlessly unsentimental; it goes where it is welcomed and stays where it is well-treated. By clinging to the Super Tax, Islamabad is signaling that commercial success in Pakistan will be met with ad-hoc penalization. This is why the super tax abolition OICCI budget 2026 proposal is not a plea for leniency, but a baseline requirement for economic survival.

The OICCI Blueprint: Pragmatism Over Populism

During the April 2026 session, OICCI Secretary General M. Abdul Aleem cut to the heart of the issue, advocating for rigorous documentation and digitization. He noted that fiscal health requires “all segments contributing proportionately” to the national exchequer.

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The chamber’s meticulously phased roadmap for FY2026-27 offers a graceful exit from this high-tax trap. The core proposals demand urgent legislative attention:

  • A Phased Corporate Tax Cut: A reduction of the headline corporate tax rate from 29% to 28% in FY2026–27, cascading down to a Pakistan corporate tax cut to 25% 2026-27 over a three-year horizon.
  • Abolition of the Super Tax: A gradual phasing out of the Super Tax to bring effective rates back into the realm of regional sanity.
  • Rationalizing Personal Taxation: The immediate abolition of the 10% surcharge on high earners and capping the personal income tax rate at a maximum of 25%, a vital move to stem the accelerating brain drain of top-tier talent.
  • Sales Tax Rationalization: A phased reduction of the general sales tax (GST) from its inflationary peak of 18%, stepping down to 17%, and eventually stabilizing at 15%.
  • Fixing Friction Points: An urgent overhaul of the withholding tax (WHT) regime, a review of the draconian minimum and alternate minimum taxes, and the resolution of perennial refund delays exacerbated by poor federal-provincial coordination.

Regional Reality Check: Capital Flies to Competitors

To contextualize the severity of Pakistan’s position, we must look across the borders. The global narrative of “friend-shoring” and supply chain diversification is entirely bypassing Pakistan because of its fiscal hostility. When an American or European multinational evaluates South Asia for a manufacturing hub, the tax differential is often the deciding metric.

JurisdictionHeadline Corporate RateEffective Rate (incl. surcharges/funds)Key Investment Incentives
Pakistan29%~46%High compliance burden, delayed refunds
India22%~25% (15% for new manufacturing)Massive PLI (Production Linked Incentive) schemes
Vietnam20%~20%Tax holidays up to 4 years for tech/manufacturing
Bangladesh20-27.5%~27.5%Export processing zone exemptions

Data reflects projected standard formal sector rates for 2026.

As the table illustrates, a foreign entity operating in Karachi or Lahore surrenders nearly half its profits to the state, before even accounting for double-digit inflation, exorbitant energy tariffs, and high borrowing costs. Without Pakistan tax net expansion foreign investment will remain anemic. You cannot build a 21st-century export powerhouse on a fiscal chassis that penalizes your most productive corporate citizens.

Untangling the Financial Arteries: Banking Sector Constraints

The corporate squeeze is perhaps most vividly illustrated within the financial system. The OICCI banking sector tax constraints 2026 agenda highlights a critical vulnerability. Banks in Pakistan are subjected to a dizzying array of discriminatory taxes, often treated as the government’s lender of first resort and its most easily accessible cash cow.

When banks are taxed punitively—often at effective rates crossing 50%—their capacity and willingness to extend credit to the private sector shrink. They retreat into the safety of sovereign paper, crowding out the private borrowing necessary for industrial expansion. Minister Kayani and Dr. Memon must recognize that unleashing the banking sector from these constraints is prerequisite to stimulating the very export sectors the government relies upon for dollar liquidity.

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Beyond the Formal Sector: The Urgent Need for Tax Net Expansion

The elephant in Q-Block has always been the undocumented economy. Successive governments have found it politically expedient to extract more from the 3 million active taxpayers rather than confront the sacred cows of Pakistani politics: agriculture, retail, and real estate.

However, as highlighted by the World Bank’s Public Expenditure Review, Pakistan’s low tax-to-GDP paradox can only be resolved by broadening the base. The OICCI’s demand to expand the tax net is fundamentally about horizontal equity. Trillions of rupees circulate in wholesale markets, speculative real estate plots, and massive agricultural tracts with near-zero tax yield.

Integrating these sectors via aggressive digitization, point-of-sale mapping, and property valuation overhauls is not optional; it is structural triage. If the tax burden is dispersed horizontally across these vast, untaxed plains, the vertical pressure on multinationals and salaried professionals can finally be released.

Navigating the IMF Reality: From Stabilization to Export-Led Growth

The immediate pushback from Islamabad’s fiscal bureaucrats is entirely predictable: “The IMF will not allow revenue-sacrificing measures.” This is a fundamental misreading of modern macroeconomic consensus. The IMF’s current Extended Fund Facility (EFF) framework prioritizes a sustainable tax-to-GDP ratio, not mutually assured economic destruction via over-taxation.

Executing IMF compliant tax reforms Pakistan export growth requires a nuanced negotiation posture from the Finance Ministry. By simultaneously presenting a robust, verifiable plan to tax retail and real estate, Islamabad can secure the fiscal space necessary to implement the OICCI’s proposed corporate tax cuts. The IMF is highly receptive to revenue-neutral structural shifts that shift the burden from investment and production to consumption and speculative wealth.

It requires political capital to tax a wealthy landowner or a prominent wholesaler, but it is precisely this political capital that the current administration must expend if it wishes to survive beyond the current IMF lifeline. As global economic observers at The Economist have consistently pointed out, economies do not shrink their way to prosperity. They grow out of debt through competitive private enterprise.

A Make-or-Break Moment for Pakistan’s Economy

We have reached a critical juncture in Pakistan’s economic trajectory. The stabilization achieved over the last two years was a necessary, painful chemotherapy. But you cannot keep a patient on chemotherapy indefinitely; eventually, you must nourish them back to vitality.

The corporate sector has bled enough. The arbitrary imposition of super taxes, the stifling of the banking sector, and the delayed processing of legitimate refunds have eroded trust between the state and its most reliable revenue generators. The proposals laid out by Abdul Aleem and the OICCI represent a pragmatic olive branch to the government—a data-backed roadmap to restoring investor confidence.

For Islamabad, the choice heading into the FY2026-27 budget is existential. They can continue the lazy, regressive path of milking the formal sector dry, ultimately driving capital across the border and talent across the oceans. Or, they can undertake the difficult, necessary work of digitization, documentation, and equitable taxation.

If Kayani and the Finance Ministry listen, Pakistan can finally move from tax collector to growth enabler.


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