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Russia Turns to Africa for Trade Amid US, EU Sanctions

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As United States and European sanctions broaden due to special military operation, largely directed at demilitarization and denazification in Ukraine, Russians are now diversifying both exports and imports in Africa’s direction. After the first summit held 2019 in Sochi where a mountain of pledges incorporated in a joint declaration, but have not been given serious attention as expected.

Russia and Ukraine share common border, both are former Soviet republics struggling to move unto the global stage. Russia was angered because Ukraine’s ambition to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union. With the conflict that began February 24, and amid Western and European sanctions, Russia plans to expand its network of trade missions in Africa, according to Vladimir Padalko, Vice President of the Russian Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

The meeting held March 4 at the Russian Chamber of Commerce and Industry building was really to re-examine how import-export trade be intensified and map out possible support for Russian enterprises and organizations in entering the African market, in practical terms, for mutually beneficial support and benefits in the light of Russia-Ukraine crisis. State support and business facilitation have been on the agenda these several years, and was exhaustively discussed during a panel session in Sochi.

“During the meeting, the participants voiced a proposal to expand the network of trade missions in Africa in the countries, which are priority for trade. It was agreed that the Industry and Trade Ministry would work on this issue together with the Foreign Ministry and the Economic Development Ministry,” Padalko said.

According to official reports, the popular Russian perception is that Africa is a promising market for Russia and information data obtained from the Industry and Trade Ministry, Russia has only four trade missions in Africa – in Morocco, Algeria, Egypt and South Africa. In addition, several interviews and research indicated that the Russian expert community advocates for strengthening business relations with Africa, and for example sees fruits, tea, coffee from the EU countries can be replaced with products from African countries.

Deputy Director of the Department of Asia, Africa and Latin America of the Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation, Alexander Dianov, spoke about the non-financial support measures for Russian companies operating within the department.

On the other hand, he said: “There are trade missions only in four African countries, and if you take sub-Saharan African countries, the trade mission operates effectively only in South Africa. It is obvious that there is something to work on in terms of developing the infrastructure to support Russian businesses. If there is a serious request from the business community, we are ready to expand the geography of our presence.”

Senator Igor Morozov, Head of the Coordinating Committee on Economic Cooperation with Africa (AfroCom), business lobbying group established back in 2009, expressed his views posted to the website: “It is impossible to grow the national economy without developing new markets. Only more than 20 companies are working on raw materials projects in different parts of the continent, there are traditional deliveries through the military-technical cooperation, export of grain, mineral fertilizers, oil products with a total turnover of US$17 billion (2020)!”

Morozov argued that “it is necessary to involve large-scale involvement of small and medium-sized businesses from the Russian regions in the African direction. It is necessary to reconsider the entire range of the export potential of the regional economy: the transport industry, agricultural machinery and units, mechanical engineering and navigation equipment, the mining sector, water treatment, and information technology.”

According to his interpretation, the geopolitical situation is rapidly changing and especially in such desperate condition of sanctions pressure, the outlook for new markets, new partners and allies are important for Russia. “This predetermines the return of Russia to Africa, makes this direction a priority both from the point of view of geopolitical influence, and in the trade and economic context. It is important for us to expand and improve competitive government support instruments for business. It is obvious that over the thirty years Russia left Africa. There are foreign players such as China, India, the United States and the European Union that have significantly increased their investment opportunities,” Morozov stressed.

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Africa is one of the most promising and fastest-growing regions of the world, with leading powers actively competing with one another, the Senator further frankly acknowledged, and added that there is nothing surprising in the fact that the European Union is increasing its trade turnover with African countries, and it amounts to more than US$300 billion a year. For instance, the United States, implementing the Prosper Africa Programme, continues to push American investments and high-tech products to priority African markets.

In this regard, in order to promote Russian goods, it is necessary to create conditions that would be competitive for exporters. It is obvious that the Russian Export Center (REC) does not have a direct investment fund in the system of financing African projects. Successful practice in Africa clearly demonstrates the widespread use of such funds by China, India, France and many other players.

Russian Export Center says despite the emerging challenges the market is potentially the largest, Africa – is the continent of the future, but currently, the demand is generally limited. Speaking about Africa, there is the need to distinguish the countries of the continent into two groups: the northern and southern parts.

“We note an increase in the number of requests to find a Russian supplier from sub-Saharan Africa. Companies from such countries as South Africa, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Benin are most interested in increasing imports. We frequently receive requests to search for suppliers in such industries as mineral fertilizers, food products and the rest,” explains an official from Russian Export Center.

In such Russia-Ukraine paradigm, Russian enterprises and importers still need to understand a set of priority problems and barriers, especially now when showing searching for alternatives for European suppliers, and interested in establishing stable long-term with African partners.

Polina Slyusarchuk, Head of Intexpertise (St. Petersburg-based African focused Consultancy Group), has questioned whether Russia has a long-term strategy in there. “Today, Russia wants to deepen its understanding of the business climate and explore trade and partnership opportunities in Africa. Now at this critical time, Russians have to decide what they can offer that foreign players haven’t yet been made available in the African market in exchange for needed importable consumables,” she underscored.

The Maghreb region is an important gateway to Europe and to sub-Saharan Africa. In the past few years, Russian companies have taken active steps to increase both imports and exports of agricultural products. South Africa, Kenya, Morocco and a few others have been delivering fruits, described as marginal quality though, in the Russian market.

In an interview discussion for this article, Dr. Chtatou Mohamed, a senior professor of Middle Eastern politics at the International University of Rabat, emphasized that, on the geo-economic level, the five Arab countries present themselves as an unavoidable interface to enter the African continent, these are rich in raw materials and present as the great consumer market.

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“While the context between Russia and Western countries is highly troubled, and characterized in particular by a regime of sanctions and counter-sanctions, it is to better serve the interests of their peoples and find solutions by exploiting the opportunities. Moscow has more room for turn round export-import business with the countries of sub-Saharan Africa,” he pointed out.

Currently the geopolitical relations of most Mediterranean Arab countries with Russia are good, even for those who were allies of the United States during the period of world bipolarity along the years of the Cold War (the case of Egypt and from Morocco).

Members of African diplomatic missions informed the greatly unrealized potential of cooperation between Russia and African countries, and interest in attracting investments in agro-industry infrastructure, education and many other sectors, and unreservedly called for a wider interaction between African business circles and Russian businesses.

During the early March discussion, the participants mentioned high import duties, complicated certification procedures, high cost of products, expensive logistics, security and guarantee issues, and information vacuum as some of the barriers to Russian-African trade and economic cooperation. As always, the participants agreed on the need to develop a comprehensive strategy for Russia to work with Africa.

Indeed, Russia is already one of the ten largest food suppliers to Africa. Removing barriers could help export-import collaboration reach an entirely new level. Russian and African business communities lack of awareness regarding the current state of markets, along with trade and investment opportunities. There is an insufficient level of trust towards potential partners. These issues swiftly have to be resolved through establishing an effective system of communication to guarantee their reliability and integrity between public business associations in Russia and Africa.

In the meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin has ordered to restrict or prohibit import and export of certain products and raw materials from Russia in 2022, according to the decree on special foreign economic measures aimed to ensure Russia’s security.

“Ensure implementation of the following special economic measures until December 31, 2022: export and import ban of products and/or raw materials in accordance with lists to be defined by the government of the Russian Federation,” the document says, adding that a separate list will define goods, whose export and import will be restricted. The decree becomes necessary in order to ensure Russia’s security and uninterrupted operation of agriculture and industry.

On March 9, Putin and his Senegalese counterpart, Chair of the African Union, President Macky Sall held a telephone conversation to discuss the situation covering Russia’s special military operation to protect Donbass and the development of ties between Moscow and Africa.

“At the request of President Sall, Vladimir Putin informed him on the main aspects of the special military operation to protect the breakaway republics with an emphasis on the humanitarian element. In particular, it was stressed that Russian military personnel take every possible measure to safely evacuate foreign citizens,” the Kremlin press service said in a statement circulated after the conversation.

The Kremlin further stressed that the leaders confirmed the importance of the consistent implementation of the agreements reached at the first Russia-Africa summit in Sochi in 2019 and the further development of diverse ties in various economic spheres between Russia and African countries.

According to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the preparations for the Russia-Africa summit are in the active stage. The dates of the summit have not been determined yet. The first Russia-Africa summit took place in October 2019, and it was co-chaired by Russian and Egyptian Presidents, Vladimir Putin and Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The next summit scheduled for autumn 2022.

Via ModernDiplomacy


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News

Legal Pioneer and Defender of Justice: The Life, Works, and Legacy of Navi Pillay

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On October 9, 2026, the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced Navanethem “Navi” Pillay as the laureate of the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize. Recognized for her lifelong efforts to uphold international legal frameworks, advance human rights, and ensure accountability for war crimes and genocide, Pillay stands as one of the most transformative jurists of the modern era.

From her beginnings as a working-class defense attorney in apartheid-era South Africa to serving at the highest levels of global judicial institutions, Pillay’s career reflects a commitment to the rule of law as the foundation for global peace.

1. Early Life and Legal Education

Navanethem Pillay was born on September 23, 1941, in Durban, South Africa, into a working-class Tamil South African family. Growing up under the institutionalized racial segregation of apartheid, she experienced firsthand the systemic inequalities embedded in the legal and social systems of the time.

Supported by her community, Pillay attended the University of Natal, earning a Bachelor of Arts in 1963 and a Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.) in 1965. In 1967, she became the first woman of color to set up a private law practice in Natal Province. Faced with restrictions that prevented non-white lawyers from accessing judge’s chambers or using court libraries, she focused her early legal practice on defending anti-apartheid activists, political detainees, and trade unionists.

She later pursued advanced legal studies in the United States at Harvard Law School, completing a Master of Laws (LL.M.) in 1982 and a Doctor of Juridical Science (S.J.D.) in 1988. Her doctoral research focused on international human rights law and judicial independence.

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2. Fighting Apartheid and Pioneering Institutional Reform

During the height of apartheid, Pillay represented political prisoners held on Robben Island, including members of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Black Consciousness Movement. Her defense strategies challenged state-sanctioned detention without trial, police brutality, and torture.

Key Contributions to Rights and Gender Equality

  • Co-founder of Equality Now (1992): Pillay co-founded the international non-governmental organization Equality Now, which advocates for the civil, political, and economic rights of women worldwide.
  • High Court Appointment (1995): Following South Africa’s transition to democracy under President Nelson Mandela, Pillay was appointed as the first Black woman judge on the South African High Court in 1995.

3. Key Global Appointments and Legal Achievements

Institutional RoleTenurePrimary Focus & Notable Achievements
Judge & President, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)1995–2003Presided over landmark cases establishing sexual violence as an act of genocide (Jean-Paul Akayesu case).
Judge, International Criminal Court (ICC)2003–2008Served in the Appeals Division during the foundational years of the court’s operations.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights2008–2014Championed global campaigns on women’s rights, LGBT rights, combatting caste discrimination, and protecting journalists.
Chair, Independent UN Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory2021–PresentMandated to investigate violations of international humanitarian and human rights law in the region.
Ad Hoc Judge, International Court of Justice (ICJ)PresentAppointed in high-profile international litigation, including the Gambia v. Myanmar genocide proceedings.

Landmark Precedents Set

  1. Defining Rape as Genocide: In the 1998 Jean-Paul Akayesu ruling at the ICTR, Pillay and her fellow judges issued a ruling establishing that systematic sexual violence and rape committed during conflict constitute acts of genocide under international law.
  2. Media Responsibility in Atrocities: In the 2003 ICTR Media Case, she presided over the trial that held media executives accountable for incitement to genocide, setting a key precedent for international criminal law regarding hate speech and mass communication.
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4. The 2026 Nobel Peace Prize Recognition

The Norwegian Nobel Committee awarded the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize to Navi Pillay on October 9, 2026.

"The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided to award the Nobel Peace Prize for 2026 
to Navanethem 'Navi' Pillay for her efforts to promote peace and international law."
— Official Announcement, Norwegian Nobel Committee (October 2026)

The Committee highlighted her career-long defense of legal principles, human dignity, and international accountability during periods of geopolitical instability. With this award, Pillay became the fifth South African citizen—and the first Black South African woman—to receive the Nobel Peace Prize.

Official Sources & References


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Elections

Analyzing the Republican Voter Enthusiasm Gap: Turnout Metrics and Polling Data

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Polls and primary turnout show Republicans trailing on enthusiasm ahead of the 2026 midterms. Here’s what the data shows, where it’s weaker, and what could change.

Key Takeaways

  • A Washington Post-Ipsos poll conducted July 8 to 13, 2026, found Democrats ahead 48% to 45% among registered voters, but ahead by about eight points among voters who say they are absolutely certain to vote.
  • Democrats have outpaced Republicans in primary turnout. As of late June, about 12.6 million votes had been cast in Democratic House primaries, compared with 8.6 million in Republican primaries, according to a Washington Post analysis cited by commentators.
  • Analysis of six states that held comparable primaries in 2022 and 2026 found the Republican-to-Democratic turnout ratio moved toward Democrats in every case.
  • Special elections since 2025 have shown Democrats running ahead of their 2024 presidential margins, though special elections draw low turnout and are not reliable predictors.
  • Enthusiasm is a leading indicator, not a result. Historically, the gap between stated enthusiasm and votes cast has been large, and the November outcome depends on who actually turns out.

Search Intent Summary

Readers searching this topic usually want to know whether Republicans are less motivated to vote in 2026, what the numbers show, and how much weight to give them. This article reviews the polling, primary turnout, and special election evidence, then sets out the strongest arguments on each side.

What “Enthusiasm” Measures

Political scientists use several overlapping measures. Pollsters ask respondents how enthusiastic they are about voting, how certain they are to vote, and whether they consider the upcoming election more important than past ones. Each measure captures something different, and results vary by question wording.

The key distinction is between opinion and turnout. Enthusiasm tells you how motivated a group feels. Turnout tells you how many people actually vote. Historically, the two do not always match, and the party with lower enthusiasm can still turn out strongly if its voters are organized and its contests are high-stakes.

What the Polls Show

The broadest signal comes from national surveys. In a February 2026 Washington Post-ABC News-Ipsos poll, 47% of registered voters planned to back Democrats and 45% Republicans. The gap was sharpest among younger voters. The poll found that 51% of 18-to-39-year-olds who voted for Donald Trump in 2024 said they were certain to vote, compared with 77% of Harris voters in the same age group.

By July, the Washington Post-Ipsos poll had narrowed the overall margin. Democrats led 48% to 45% among registered voters, down from a five-point edge in May. The enthusiasm gap, however, had widened. The same survey showed Democrats’ lead expanding to about eight points among those who said they were absolutely certain to vote.

Other measures point the same way. A Post-ABC poll found 73% of Democrats said the upcoming midterms were more important than past midterms, compared with 52% of Republicans. In the same survey, 72% of Republicans said they would definitely vote. A Marquette University Law School poll found 28% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents described themselves as “very enthusiastic” about voting in the midterms.

These results should be read carefully. A generic-ballot lead of a few points is well within polling error, and the enthusiasm gap is a difference between two groups’ stated motivation, not a measured vote.

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Primary Turnout: The Stronger Signal

Primary turnout is a more concrete measure than survey responses, because it counts actual ballots. Primary electorates are small and self-selected, so they are not a clean preview of a general election. Still, they show who is showing up when the stakes are visible.

Commentary citing a Washington Post analysis reported that by late June 2026, about 12.6 million ballots had been cast in Democratic House primaries, compared with 8.6 million in Republican primaries. Democrats set turnout records in several states, including Wisconsin, Michigan, Texas, and Georgia, according to the same analysis.

The statistician Charles Stewart III, of MIT’s Election Data and Science Lab, compared turnout in the six states that held statewide primaries in both 2022 and 2026: Arkansas, Illinois, Nebraska, North Carolina, Ohio, and Texas. In every one, the ratio of Republican to Democratic primary turnout moved toward Democrats. In his analysis, Democratic turnout rose while Republican turnout fell. Stewart also noted that primary turnout is not always predictive of general election outcomes, and that many factors influence it.

Those findings are not uniform. Closed primary systems, contested races, and candidate quality all shape turnout. A competitive Republican primary in one state can boost that party’s turnout even when enthusiasm elsewhere is weak.

Special Elections: A Pattern, With Caveats

Special elections have produced consistent Democratic overperformance. An analysis by The Down Ballot, reported in a column that cited it, examined 110 special elections since January 2025 and found Democrats running an average of 12.5 points ahead of their 2024 presidential margins. In 2025, Decision Desk HQ found an average overperformance of about 20 points in US House specials.

Special elections are a useful signal but a weak forecast. They draw low turnout, usually from the most motivated voters, and they are held under conditions that differ from a midterm. Analysts have noted that Democrats overperformed in special elections before the 2024 presidential race, then lost the national popular vote. Special elections can show shifts in motivation without predicting how a broader electorate will vote.

The Republican Case

Republicans and some analysts offer several counterarguments, and they deserve a fair hearing.

Enthusiasm is not the same as turnout. Republicans have historically turned out reliably in midterms when their voters were motivated by specific issues or candidates, and the party’s organizational infrastructure is strong.

Low-turnout special elections and primaries can exaggerate the energy of whichever side is more engaged in a given contest, and Democratic primary turnout partly reflects contested races that drew heavy spending.

Polls of enthusiasm can shift quickly. A few months before an election is a long time, and a single event, such as a major policy action or a change in the economic outlook, can reshape voter motivation.

The party also argues that its message on the economy and taxes resonates with voters who may not register strongly in polling. In the July Post-Ipsos poll, the top concern among voters was the economy, and some Republicans have argued their affordability messaging will close the gap as the election approaches.

The Democratic Case

Democrats point to the same data as evidence of an energized base. They argue that primary turnout records, special election swings, and the enthusiasm gap show a motivated electorate.

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Democratic strategists also argue that the war with Iran, rising gasoline prices, and cost-of-living pressures have hurt the incumbent party. Pricing and economic concerns dominate voter priorities, according to the Post-Ipsos poll. The Post poll noted that more than 70% of Democrats regard voting as more important this year than before.

What to Watch Before November

Several indicators will show whether the gap is real or temporary.

Watch whether enthusiasm translates into actual turnout in the fall. Early voting and absentee data in competitive states will be more reliable than polls.

Watch the composition of turnout. A widening gap among younger voters, the group the February poll singled out, would matter more than overall numbers.

Watch Republican primary turnout in states that still have contests, and compare it with 2022 benchmarks.

Watch the economic and foreign policy environment. Gasoline prices, inflation, and the status of the Iran conflict all feed into voter priorities, as covered in our Iran policy analysis and the crude oil article.

Practical Takeaways

For readers following the midterms, the most useful habit is to weight actual turnout data above survey enthusiasm when assessing the outlook, and to treat both as indicators rather than predictions. Enthusiasm polls are a useful early signal, but they often change before voting.

For campaigns and analysts, the data points to the importance of turnout operations in the weeks before the election, regardless of which party’s enthusiasm numbers look stronger.

This article describes the evidence and the arguments on each side. It does not forecast the outcome of the midterms.

Future Outlook

The enthusiasm gap is a clear signal in the data so far, particularly in primaries and specials. Whether it turns into a general election advantage depends on turnout operations, on how the economy and foreign policy evolve, and on how many voters decide late. Those questions remain open.

Frequently Asked Questions

Are Republicans less enthusiastic about voting in 2026?

Several national polls show lower stated enthusiasm among Republicans than Democrats, including a Washington Post-Ipsos poll from July 2026 and a Marquette University Law School poll. Enthusiasm measures vary by question, so no single poll settles the question.

Does primary turnout predict the midterms?

Primary turnout is a useful signal but not a reliable forecast. It reflects who participates in primaries, which are smaller and more self-selected than general elections. Changes in turnout relative to earlier cycles can indicate shifts in motivation, but they do not determine outcomes.

Do special elections predict general election results?

Special elections show trends in voter motivation, but they draw low turnout and occur under different conditions than midterms. In 2024, Democrats overperformed in special elections before losing the national vote. Treat them as one input among many.

What is the enthusiasm gap?

The enthusiasm gap is the difference between parties in how motivated their supporters say they are to vote. Pollsters measure it by asking how enthusiastic or certain respondents are to vote. It is a measure of stated motivation, not a measure of votes.


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AI

Pakistan Warns UN Security Council of AI Risks to Global Peace and Equality

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UNITED NATIONS — September 24, 2026: Pakistan has warned the United Nations Security Council that the rapid and insufficiently regulated development of artificial intelligence could deepen global inequality while creating new risks to international peace and security.

Speaking during a Security Council briefing on “Artificial Intelligence and International Security,” Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Senator Mohammad Ishaq Dar called for stronger international safeguards, regulatory frameworks and governance mechanisms to address the risks associated with increasingly powerful AI systems.

Dar emphasized that the international community needs coordinated action to establish guardrails around artificial intelligence, particularly as AI technologies become increasingly relevant to military decision-making, information systems and national security.

Pakistan Calls for International Guardrails on Artificial Intelligence

Pakistan’s intervention comes as governments and international institutions increasingly debate how AI should be governed across borders.

Dar stressed the importance of restraint and confidence-building measures in the military domain, particularly because AI-assisted systems could compress decision-making timelines and increase the danger of miscalculation.

The concern is significant because artificial intelligence is no longer confined to civilian applications. AI is increasingly being examined in relation to cyber operations, intelligence analysis, autonomous systems, information warfare and other security-sensitive areas.

The United Nations has also warned that AI can create substantial risks when technological development moves faster than international governance.

The UN’s existing AI framework emphasizes responsible, accountable, transparent and human-centered development, while calling for effective human oversight of AI systems.

Why AI Is Becoming a Security Council Issue

The Security Council has previously considered artificial intelligence as a potential factor affecting international peace and security, but the technology has developed rapidly since those early discussions.

A recent analysis by the independent Security Council Report identified several security implications, including AI’s ability to facilitate malicious cyber activity, accelerate the creation and distribution of misinformation and disinformation, and influence military operations.

The organization also highlighted concerns surrounding increasingly autonomous weapons systems, shortened decision-making timelines and questions about human oversight and accountability.

These concerns help explain why AI has moved beyond being primarily a technology-policy issue and increasingly become a subject of international security diplomacy.

The challenge for governments is that AI can simultaneously create opportunities and risks.

AI could help countries identify emerging conflicts, improve humanitarian operations, monitor ceasefires and analyze large quantities of information. At the same time, poorly governed systems could amplify security threats or make already complex conflicts more difficult to manage.

Pakistan Highlights the Global Inequality Dimension

Pakistan’s message to the Security Council went beyond military applications.

Dar also emphasized the need for AI development to be representative, transparent and inclusive, reflecting concerns among developing countries that the benefits of advanced artificial intelligence could become concentrated among a relatively small group of technologically advanced states and companies.

That concern is already reflected in the United Nations’ Global Digital Compact.

The Compact calls for closing digital divides, expanding access to the benefits of the digital economy and strengthening international governance of artificial intelligence. It specifically calls for full and equal representation of countries, including developing nations, in international AI governance.

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This makes AI access and governance part of a broader development question.

Countries with advanced computing infrastructure, large datasets, sophisticated research institutions and substantial private-sector investment are positioned differently from nations that remain dependent on imported technologies and have limited domestic AI capacity.

If that gap widens, AI could potentially reinforce existing economic and technological inequalities rather than reduce them.

UN Framework Already Calls for Inclusive AI Governance

The debate at the Security Council is taking place alongside a broader UN effort to develop international mechanisms for AI governance.

The Global Digital Compact, adopted as part of the Pact for the Future, established a framework for international cooperation on digital technologies and AI.

The United Nations has subsequently established an Independent International Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence and a Global Dialogue on AI Governance.

The first annual Global Dialogue took place in Geneva in July 2026, bringing together governments and other stakeholders to discuss international cooperation, AI opportunities and emerging risks.

The UN says the dialogue is intended to ensure that AI governance reflects the priorities of all nations rather than only those with the greatest technological capabilities.

For developing countries such as Pakistan, this process provides an avenue to raise questions about technological access, capacity-building, data governance and participation in international rule-making.

AI and Military Decision-Making Raise Particular Concerns

One of the most sensitive areas in the AI debate is military decision-making.

AI can process enormous volumes of information far faster than humans. That capability could potentially assist military planners and governments, but it also raises questions about what happens when decisions involving force are increasingly influenced by automated systems.

A shorter decision-making cycle can create pressure to respond before human officials have fully evaluated the available information.

That is why Pakistan’s emphasis on restraint and confidence-building is significant in the context of international security.

The broader UN position has also stressed the importance of retaining meaningful human control over decisions involving the use of force.

The central issue is not simply whether AI should be used in security applications, but how governments can establish accountability when AI-assisted systems contribute to consequential decisions.

Disinformation Adds Another Layer of Risk

AI-generated content presents another challenge for governments and international organizations.

Generative AI can make it easier to create convincing text, images, audio and video at scale. In a conflict environment, such capabilities could complicate efforts to distinguish authentic information from manipulated material.

The UN has identified misinformation and disinformation among the major concerns surrounding artificial intelligence, particularly where manipulated content can affect public trust, human rights or humanitarian operations.

For international institutions, the problem is therefore both technological and political: governments must develop mechanisms capable of addressing harmful AI-generated content without undermining legitimate expression or access to information.

Global AI Governance Is Becoming More Urgent

The current Security Council discussion reflects a larger international shift.

AI governance is no longer being discussed solely in terms of innovation, investment and economic competitiveness. Governments are increasingly considering questions involving national security, international stability, human rights, development and inequality.

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The United States and China, for example, continue to compete technologically while also discussing mechanisms for AI safety and communication.

Meanwhile, the UN is developing a more inclusive multilateral framework intended to give countries a role in shaping international AI governance.

That creates an important distinction between AI development and AI governance.

The first concerns how quickly capabilities advance. The second concerns the rules, safeguards and institutions that determine how those capabilities are developed and deployed.

What Pakistan’s Position Means for Developing Countries

Pakistan’s intervention highlights an issue that is likely to remain central to future AI negotiations: who gets to shape the rules governing artificial intelligence?

Developing countries have an interest not only in managing AI-related risks but also in ensuring access to the technology’s potential benefits.

The UN’s Global Digital Compact recognizes the need for capacity-building, technology cooperation and support for developing countries to access, develop, use and govern AI systems.

That approach is particularly relevant as AI becomes increasingly connected to education, healthcare, agriculture, financial services, public administration and economic productivity.

Without adequate access to computing infrastructure, skills, data and investment, developing countries could find themselves primarily consuming technologies designed elsewhere.

Pakistan’s call for representative and inclusive AI governance therefore places technological development and international security within the same broader conversation.

The Challenge Ahead: Rules That Keep Pace With Technology

The Security Council’s latest discussion illustrates the central difficulty confronting policymakers.

Artificial intelligence is developing faster than many traditional regulatory processes can respond.

International rules must address security risks without unnecessarily blocking beneficial innovation. They must also account for differences between developed and developing countries while maintaining fundamental principles such as human rights, transparency and accountability.

The United Nations’ emerging governance architecture is an attempt to address that challenge through scientific assessment, international dialogue and greater participation by countries around the world.

Pakistan’s intervention adds another voice to that debate, particularly on the consequences of unequal access to AI capabilities and the risks associated with AI-assisted military decision-making.

Conclusion

Pakistan’s warning at the UN Security Council underscores the increasingly international character of the artificial intelligence debate.

The issue is no longer simply how quickly AI can advance. It is also about how the technology is governed, who participates in setting the rules, how military risks are controlled and whether the benefits of AI are distributed broadly enough to avoid deepening existing inequalities.

As AI becomes more deeply integrated into security, economies and public institutions, international cooperation will become an increasingly important part of managing both its opportunities and its risks.

For Pakistan and other developing countries, the emerging global AI governance system will be particularly important because the rules established today could influence access to technology, economic opportunities and participation in future international decision-making for years to come.


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